scholarly journals “Criticism of bourgeois sociology” in Soviet Russia of the 1920s: the Birth of a Genre

2021 ◽  
pp. 166-182
Author(s):  
А.Н. Малинкин
Keyword(s):  
Party Affiliation ◽  
The Real ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
Soviet Russia

В статье рассматриваются условия и идейные предпосылки зарождения особого жанра в марксистской социологии – «критики буржуазной социологии». Лидер боль-шевистской партии и основатель советского государства, В.И. Ленин, придал этой критике государственно-политическое значение, выдвинул её программу и задал образец. На конкретных примерах он показал, что «принцип партийности» в философии применим в качестве универсальной методологии подозрения и разоблачения идейных противников. Выявляются причины и анализируются последствия подмены доктринальной критики идеологическим разоблачением. Рассматриваются позитивные социокультурные функции доктринальной критики по существу. The article discusses the real historical conditions and ideological prerequisites for the emergence of a special genre in Marxist sociology – «criticism of bourgeois sociology». The leader of the Bolshevik party and the founder of the Soviet state, V.I. Lenin, gave this criticism state-political significance, put forward its program, outlined its focus and set a pattern. Using concrete examples, he showed that the «principle of party affiliation» in philosophy is applicable as a universal methodology for suspecting and exposing ideological opponents. The causes are identified and the consequences of substituting doctrinal criticism with ideological unmasking initiated by V.I. Lenin are analyzed. The positive sociocultural functions of doctrinal criticism in essence are considered.

The Real National Income of Soviet Russia Since 1928

Econometrica ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 31 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 277
Author(s):  
Colin Clark ◽  
Abram Bergson
Keyword(s):  
National Income ◽  
The Real ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Real National Income

The Political Function of Domestic Objects in the Fiction of Aleksandra Kollontai

Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgitta Ingemanson
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Short Stories ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political Function ◽  
The Status ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Status Of Women

During the winter of 1922-1923 when she was just beginning her diplomatic career, Bolshevik activist Aleksandra Kollontai wrote two novels and several short stories that were immediately published in Russia and subsequently combined into two volumes under the titles Liubov’ pchel trudovykh and Zhenshchina na perelome. They were dismissed as mere autobiographical romances, indulging in unhealthy introspection and dangerously divorced from the “real” demands of society. At a time when Soviet Russia was facing enormous challenges connected with the reconstruction after the civil war and with the partial return to a market economy under the New Economic Policy (NEP), Kollontai's focus on domestic relationships and the status of women seemed narrow and excessively private.

The Real Soviet Russia

1945 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 534
Author(s):  
D. Fedotoff White ◽  
David J. Dallin ◽  
Joseph Shaplen
Keyword(s):  
The Real ◽  
Soviet Russia

scholarly journals Activities of the Ekaterinoslav City Duma in the context of the events of the end of December 1917

2019 ◽  
pp. 138-154
Author(s):  
В. Я. Яценко
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
City Council ◽  
Institutional Capacity ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
The Real ◽  
Public Meetings ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The City

The article analyzes the activities of the Ekaterinoslav City Council during the events of the end of December 1917, when Soviet power was established in Ekaterinoslav. This happened as a result of the armed uprising of the Bolsheviks on December 27–29, 1917. The City Council of Ekaterinoslav, as a local government, did not remain indifferent to these events. It should be recognized that in the events of December 27–29, 1917, the Ekaterinoslav City Council did not play a decisive role. Such a role belonged to the main opposing forces - the Bolsheviks and supporters of the Central Rada. Representatives of both sides were part of the city duma and, of course, tried to use it to their advantage. Thus, city self-government could not remain aloof from the events for this reason. It is important to remember that all this happened in the conditions of the war declared by Soviet Russia to the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The armed uprising of the Bolsheviks in Ekaterinoslav was coordinated with the onset of the Soviet troops. An analysis of events shows that the City Duma Ekaterinoslav was practically incapable of somehow having a significant impact on the events. Their discussion at public meetings, sending delegations to end the bloodshed and reconciliation of the parties proved to be of little effect. Among the reasons for this should be called the composition of the Duma, which was predominantly composed according to the party principle and lack of armed forces. It was power that dictated its will in these events. Public thoughts, representatives of conservative and moderate socialist parties (Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, etc.) tried to use the institutional capacity of city self-government to stop or minimize the civil war that broke out in Ekaterynoslav. It should be noted that the Ekaterinoslav City Council in the real conditions of the end of December 1917. I did everything possible within its competence. 

Immigrant Communes in Soviet Russia (USSR) of the 1920s–1930s: Organization, Functioning, Relations with the Authorities

2021 ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Leonid Berlyavskiy
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Scholarly Literature ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Motivation ◽  
Central Elements ◽  
Russian Soil ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Agricultural Regions ◽  
Collective Farms

The article, based on a wide range of sources, the central elements of which are archival materials, analyzes one of the problems that are not sufficiently covered in the scholarly literature, namely the emergence and functioning of immigrant collective farms in important agricultural regions of the RSFSR (USSR) during the 1920s–1930s. The article substantiates the position that the young Soviet state was interested in placing on its territory the maximum possible number of supporters of the communist doctrine who arrived from abroad and were eager to contribute to the construction of socialism in the RSFSR in every possible way, in particular, by creating collective farms, strengthening them and thereby promoting socialist ideas in the countryside. Therefore, the Soviet legislation adopted and applied the most-favoured-nation regime to foreigners or re-emigrants who expressed a desire to work on collective farms. It is demonstrated that the immigrant farms had significant technical and human resources, as well as ideological and political motivation to make a tangible contribution to overcoming the difficulties experienced by Soviet Russia and to promote the socialist modernization of agriculture. Yet, along with successful immigrant collective farms (communes), which achieved noticeable results in their economic and propaganda activities, several such collective farms failed to gain a footing on Russian soil, among which not the least was the suspicious and distrustful attitude towards foreigners on the part of Soviet party-officials. In the 1930s, the leading trend was a reduction in the influx of foreign volunteers to collective farms since the espionage, suspicion, and intolerance towards foreigners characteristic of Soviet reality turned immigrants into undesirable persons in the USSR.

How Russia's Bureaucracy hindered its Economic Development

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-453
Author(s):  
Chaim Shinar
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
The State ◽  
Soviet Society ◽  
Russian History ◽  
The Real ◽  
State Bureaucracy ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The Right

At least as far back as the reign of Tsar Nicholas I, Russia's state bureaucracy has been widely considered to be top-heavy, corrupt, inefficient and tyrannical. By the early twentieth century the real driving force of Russian history and society was neither the constitutional façade erected by the autocracy to stifle the revolution nor the subsequent Bolshevik seizure of power, but rather the growth of the state bureaucracy. Similarly, in the course of the twentieth century, analysts on both the left and the right came to view hyper-bureaucratic growth unchecked by democratic constraint as the major problem of Soviet society. Attempts to reduce bureaucratic interference in the economy of post-Soviet Russia have not resulted in positive change.

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