scholarly journals The Journey of "Furthur" in the Summer of 1964 and its Significance in the Changing Subcultures of the USA

Author(s):  
О.В. Бодров ◽  
А.В. Закиров

В 1960-е гг. в США шел процесс становления контркультуры, которую связывают с психоделической революцией, нонконформизмом, разрывом поколений, антивоенным движением, социальными экспериментами. Именно в этот период происходит процесс преобразования бит-поколения 1950-х гг. в субкультуру хиппи 1960-х гг. Одним из показательных событий этого процесса стал факт присоединения битника Нила Кэссиди к коммуне «Весёлые Проказники» во главе с писателем Кеном Кизи. Путешествие «Далше» летом 1964 г. стало катализатором в этой смене субкультур. In the 1960s, a counterculture was being formed in the United States, which was associated with the psychedelic revolution, nonconformism, the generation gap, the anti-war movement, and social experiments. It was during this period that the process of transforming the beat generation of the 1950s into a hippie subculture of the 1960s took place. One of the significant events of this process was the fact that beatnik Neil Cassidy joined the commune «Merry Pranksters» led by writer Ken Kesey. The «Further» trip in the summer of 1964 was a catalyst in this change of subcultures.

Author(s):  
Montse Feu

España Libre’s editors invigorated the periodical’s proletarian counterculture to both fascism and elitism and sustained an ongoing resistance through times of harsh repression in Spain and Cold War political tensions in the United States. In the 1940s editorials focused on alerting readers about the spread of fascism to the Americas and encouraged fundraising for refugees. By the 1950s, the increasing international diplomatic recognition of the Franco dictatorship disquieted members and the editorials published during that decade were heavily focused on denouncing that recognition. However, by the 1960s the periodical concentrated its efforts on supporting the weakened underground labor opposition in Spain and in coordinating efforts with other political forces. In the 1970s, España Libre published homages to exiles for the antifascist resistance they put forth.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Koch

This article investigates the changing justifications of one of the hallmarks of orthodox psychoanalytic practice, the neutral and abstinent stance of the psychoanalyst, during the middle decades of the 20th century. To call attention to the shifting rationales behind a supposedly cold, detached style of treatment still today associated with psychoanalysis, explanations of the clinical utility of neutrality and abstinence by ‘classical’ psychoanalysts in the United States are contrasted with how intellectuals and cultural critics understood the significance of psychoanalytic abstinence. As early as the 1930s, members of the Frankfurt School discussed the cultural and social implications of psychoanalytic practices. Only in the 1960s and 1970s, however, did psychoanalytic abstinence become a topic within broader intellectual debates about American social character and the burgeoning ‘therapy culture’ in the USA. The shift from professional and epistemological concerns to cultural and political ones is indicative of the changing appreciation of psychoanalysis as a clinical discipline: for psychoanalysts as well as cultural critics, I argue, changing social mores and the professional decline of psychoanalysis infused the image of the abstinent psychoanalyst with nostalgic longing, making it a symbol of resistance against a culture seen to be in decline.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Harrop

The image of voting in the United States developed by political scientists over the last decade differs markedly from the perspective offered in that classic study of electoral behaviour in the 1950s, The American Voter. Whereas the authors of The American Voter painted a rather unflattering portrait of the way in which the voter of the 1950s made his electoral choice, contemporary research has begun to discover some unexpected virtues in the American electorate of the 1960s and early 1970s. Compared to his counterpart in the previous generation, today's voter seems to attach less significance to his party identification, and more importance to his perceptions of the parties' stands on issues with which he is concerned, in deciding which party to support in presidential elections. Indeed, it would perhaps be only a slight exaggeration to suggest that the notion of electoral choice has now become a realistic, and not merely a metaphorical, manner of speaking about the American voter.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-75
Author(s):  
John Higley

A society becomes postindustrial when 40 percent of its workforce is employed in bureaucratic and service work, a proportion that increases quite rapidly to 70-75, even 80 percent (cf. Bell 1999, xv). By the 1950s the composition of workforces in the United States, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Canada had reached the 40 percent threshold to postindustrial conditions, and during the succeeding two or three decades virtually all other Western countries, plus Japan, crossed it. Quite unforeseen by nearly all observers at the time, non-elites in the first postindustrial societies began to divide into two loose interest and attitude camps during the 1960s and 1970s. The camps’ boundaries were not contiguous with those of the classes and strata that derived from the agricultural, manual industrial, and non-manual workforce components so prominent during historical socioeconomic development.


Author(s):  
Mateus Rennó Santos ◽  
Yunmei Lu ◽  
Rachel E Fairchild

Abstract A robust literature has investigated homicide trends in the United States since 1950. The prevalence of homicide in the country almost doubled in the 1960s, remained high until the 1990s and then declined precipitously. Surprisingly, Canada displayed the same trend. We decompose the age, period and cohort effects on the homicide trends of the United States and Canada since 1950, exploring shared effects in light of these countries’ historical and policy differences over the past seven decades. Our study reveals remarkably similar trends and effects in Canada as those previously documented for the United States, despite diverging approaches to criminal justice and to the use of incarceration since the 1950s. We explore these findings and expand on their implications.


Author(s):  
Heorhii Vdovychenko ◽  

The article deals with the problem of the rise in the 1950s – first half of the 1960s, in the context of the formation of the idea of the Soviet Ukraine philosophy in the Western world, of the image of the Kyiv philosophical school as a prominent participant in the international scientific process of the Cold War era. This school emerged during Khrushchev’s “thaw” or stage of metamorphosis of the USSR from Stalinism to neo-Stalinist stagnation, namely between the XX (1956) and XXIV (1971) Congresses of the CPSU. It was the leading ideological and organizational center of the philosophical life of the Ukrainian SSR during the geopolitical struggle of the Eastern and Western military-political blocs under the leadership of the USSR and the USA. The Kyiv philosophical school was the main representative of Soviet Ukraine in its dialogue with world philosophical thought established in the mid-1960s. This school, mainly its Ukrainian historical and philosophical achievements of the 1950s – 1970s, became the central object of study of the Soviet philosophy by philosophers and scientific institutions of the USA, Western Germany and other countries of the Western bloc in the second half of the XX century. This study can be divided into three conditional stages: 1. the preparatory one during the transition from Stalinism to Khrushchev’s “thaw”(late 1940s – early 1960s); 2. of scientific international interaction in the conditions of ideological confrontation during the transition from “thaw” to neo-Stalinist “stagnation” (early 1960s – early 1970s); 3. of intensification of the ideological struggle during the transition from “stagnation” to Gorbachev’s “perestroika” (early 1970s – second half of the 1980s). During the first and beginning of the second of these stages, the philosophers of the diaspora P. Fedenko and D. Solovey began a critical analysis of the Shevchenko work of the director of the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR D. Ostryanin. They carried it out in the context of active participation in Soviet philosophical studies together with their colleagues W. Barka, S. Galamay, B. Kravciv, M. Kushnir and, also, already well-known scientists A. Kultschytzkyj, I. Mirtschuk and W. Janiw. No less important evidence of the nature of the perception of the Soviet philosophical thought by professors of universities in Western Europe and the United States in the first half of the 1960s are memories of foreign meetings with them of the founders of the Kyiv philosophical school, first of all the director of the mentioned institute P. Kopnin and his deputy M. Honcharenko.


Author(s):  
M. B. Konashev

This study presents a small part of the epistolary heritage of an outstanding biologist, geneticist, and evolutionist, F.G. Dobrzhansky, which is of interest for not only geneticists but also anyone interested in the history of our country. In the correspondence of Feodosiy Grigorievich with B.L. Astaurov, D.K. Belyaev, R.L. Berg, N.N. Vorontsov, G.F. Gauze, B.M. Zavadovsky, N.P. Dubinin, G.D. Karpechenko, Yu.Ya. Kerkis, G.A. Levitsky, Zh.A. Medvedev, N.N. Medvedev, N.I. Vavilov, S.Ya. Paramonov, M.N. Rimsky-Korsakov, A.S Serebrovsky, V.N. Soifer, Yu. A. Filipchenko, I.I. Shmalgauzen, A.V. Yablokov, and other scientists, significant events have been discussed, which took place in Russian and foreign academic and university science of the 1960s and 1970s, as well as the fate of Russian immigrants in the United States.


Author(s):  
Kateryna Kasatkina

The article is an attempt to analyze the peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960s. The article focuses on factors which influenced on the formation of the US policy towards Cuba and determined the nature of its qualitative changes in the given period. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson against Fidel Castro’s regime. There is also described the work of the Special Group Augmented that prepared for the new phase of the «Cuban project» – Operation «Mongoose». As a result of the research the author comes to the conclusion, that peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960’s had changed. President Kennedy’s policies were characterized by different methods and approaches. It included both covert operations and sabotage against F. Castro’s regime, as well as political and economic pressure on Cuba. However, such US policy had the opposite effect. Cuba had established relations with the Soviet Union. The confrontation between the United States, the Soviet Union and Cuba led to The Cuban missile crisis. After the crisis was resolved the USA was forced to suspend operation «Mongoose». In addition, John F. Kennedy had attempted to establish a secret back channel of communication with F. Castro. After his death, preliminary for negotiations between Washington and Havana were discontinued. The new President Lyndon Johnson did not allow the normalization of relations with Cuba on Castro’s terms and while he was in power. He made an effort to destabilize the Castro’s regime by making an engaging immigration policy for Cubans who lived in the United States or desired come to the country and got a permanent residence. At the end of Johnson’s presidency, the United States took part in the Vietnam war, but the problem of U.S.-Cuban relations remained unresolved.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Goggin

Interest in the fate of the German psychoanalysts who had to flee Hitler's Germany and find refuge in a new nation, such as the United States, has increased. The ‘émigré research’ shows that several themes recur: (1) the theme of ‘loss’ of one's culture, homeland, language, and family; and (2) the ambiva-lent welcome these émigrés received in their new country. We describe the political-social-cultural context that existed in the United States during the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Documentary evidence found in the FBI files of three émigré psychoanalysts, Clara Happel, Martin Grotjahn, and Otto Fenichel, are then presented in combination with other source material. This provides a provisional impression of how each of these three individuals experienced their emigration. As such, it gives us elements of a history. The FBI documents suggest that the American atmosphere of political insecurity and fear-based ethnocentric nationalism may have reinforced their old fears of National Socialism, and contributed to their inclination to inhibit or seal off parts of them-selves and their personal histories in order to adapt to their new home and become Americanized. They abandoned the rich social, cultural, political tradition that was part of European psychoanalysis. Finally, we look at these elements of a history in order to ask a larger question about the appropriate balance between a liberal democratic government's right to protect itself from internal and external threats on the one hand, or crossover into the blatant invasion of civil rights and due process on the other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-54
Author(s):  
Silvia Spitta

Sandra Ramos (b. 1969) is one of the few artists to reflect critically on both sides of the Cuban di-lemma, fully embodying the etymological origins of the word in ancient Greek: di-, meaning twice, and lemma, denoting a form of argument involving a choice between equally unfavorable alternatives. Throughout her works she shines a light on the dilemmas faced by Cubans whether in Cuba or the United States, underlining the bad personal and political choices people face in both countries. During the hard 1990s, while still in Havana, the artist focused on the traumatic one-way journey into exile by thousands, as well as the experience of profound abandonment experienced by those who were left behind on the island. Today she lives in Miami and operates a studio there as well as one in Havana. Her initial disorientation in the USA has morphed into an acerbic representation and critique of the current administration and a deep concern with the environmental collapse we face. A buffoonlike Trumpito has joined el Bobo de Abela and Liborio in her gallery of comic characters derived from the rich Cuban graphic arts tradition where she was formed. While Cuba is now represented as a rotten cake with menacing flies hovering over it ready to pounce, a bombastic Trumpito marches across the world stage, trampling everything underfoot, a dollar sign for a face.


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