scholarly journals Voting for Direct Democracy: Evidence from a Unique Popular Initiative in Bavaria

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Arnold ◽  
Ronny Freier ◽  
Magdalena Pallauf ◽  
David Stadelmann
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Popular Initiative

scholarly journals Swiss Direct Democracy and Regulation of Banking Sector

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Miroslaw Matyja
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Banking Sector ◽  
Financial Sector ◽  
Regulatory Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Influence ◽  
Bank Regulations ◽  
Decisive Influence ◽  
Popular Initiative

The aim of this article is to analyze the influence of the Swiss political system on the country’s banking sector. Is the Swiss direct democracy, which has no counterpart in any other country, an advantageous factor for the development and functioning of the banking sector? In order to fully answer this question, the author has analyzed the results of direct voting on the Swiss bank regulations. He has concluded that there is an important and direct influence of the political system on the functioning of the financial sector. The analysis of the results of various federal referenda confirms the thesis that the Swiss direct democracy (with its instruments of popular initiative and referendum) has a decisive influence on the regulatory process in the country’s banking sector.

scholarly journals FEATURES OF DIRECT DEMOCRACY IN SWITZERLAND

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-55
Author(s):  
Svetlana A. Solomonova
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Scientific Methods ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
The People ◽  
Analysis And Synthesis ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
Legislative Initiative ◽  
Popular Initiative

The subject. The article is about the peculiarities of referendum and popular initiative which are the main forms and institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland. The purpose of the article is to determine the peculiarities of direct democracy in Switzer-land and characterize its main forms: referendum and popular initiative. In order to achieve the objective the following tasks can be defined: 1) to find the origins and identify the variations of forms of direct democracy in Switzerland; 2) to trace the evolution of en-shrining on the statutory level of such institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and legislative initiative from the time of their conceiving till the enactment of the actual Constitution; 3) where relevant, to perform a brief comparative analysis of the forms of direct democracy in Switzerland and similar institutions shaped in other countries; 4) to define the role and meaning of referendum and legislative initiative in history as well as in the modern stage of the development of the Swiss State. The methodology of the study includes the use of general scientific methods (description, deduction, induction, analysis and synthesis) together with formal juridical and compara-tive juridical approach. In addition, throughout the article and, in particular, while working with sources of law, historical approach and systematic approach were practiced. The main results and scope of their application. The article presents the analysis of such forms of direct democracy in Switzerland as referendum and popular initiative, character-izing each form. The principle of democracy expressed by the practice of referendum and legislative initiative is present in its entirety. No country in the world has come as close to applying direct democracy to national political issues as Switzerland. Since the mid-nineteenth century, when the country's first Federal Constitution was adopted, Switzer-land has managed to hold more referendums than all other countries combined in the same time frame. Conclusions. Referendum enables Swiss citizens to dismiss the measures taken by their representatives and the initiative gives the citizens possibility to put laws into practice in-dependently from the legislative powers. Swiss experience vividly demonstrates that used sensibly and taking into consideration national legislative traditions such forms of consult-ing with the people can be quite promising and efficient for other European countries.

scholarly journals The Swiss Model of Direct Democracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 41-60
Author(s):  
Miroslaw Matyja
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
Current Crisis ◽  
Essential Characteristic ◽  
The People ◽  
Optimal Functioning ◽  
Decision Making System ◽  
Full Power ◽  
Popular Initiative

Due to the challenges that modern representative democracy is facing, citizens and politicians of various countries are looking for new solutions and ways to ensure the optimal functioning of their political and decision making system. In this context, Switzerland appears to be a country relatively immune to the current crisis. Why is that? As a direct democracy where the rule of the people remains the fundamental principle, it provides its citizens with instruments: referendum, popular initiative, popular veto, which allow them to resolve any problems that arise both on the national and local level. The essential characteristic of the Swiss system, which is also its main strength, is that unlike other European democracies it grants its citizens full power over their homeland, making them the actual sovereign. The author of this article discusses various aspects of the Swiss model of democracy and suggests that it offers the best solutions for the optimal development of any country.

scholarly journals The Latvian direct democracy tools in a comparative European context

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 744-788
Author(s):  
Fabio Ratto Trabucco
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Countries ◽  
European Context ◽  
Baltic Countries ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Popular Initiative

This article analyses and compares the legal tools of direct democracy in Latvia and other European countries. Based on comparison, the author draws concludes the shortcomings of the legal framework of direct democracy in the Constitution of the Republic of Latvia. The author analyzes functioning of the direct democracy tools in Latvian practice and compares them with similar tools in other European countries, expressing his criticism towards Latvian legislation on the referendum and people’s initiative, finding that some mechanisms included in the Constitution are old-fashioned and ineffective. The article identifies actual shortcomings of the legal framework of the referendum and popular initiative both at the level of the Constitution and that of the law and makes suggestions for improvements of the mechanisms of direct democracy, particularly taking into account the experience of the other Baltic countries. Este artículo analiza y compara las herramientas legales de la democracia directa en Letonia y en otros países europeos. Sobre la base de la comparación, el autor extrae conclusiones sobre las deficiencias del marco legal de la democracia directa letona. El autor analiza la legislación y la práctica letona sobre el referéndum y la iniciativa popular comparándola con las de otros países europeos, incluido el referéndum sobre la disolución del Parlamento, expresando críticas de que una serie de institutos parecen anticuados e ineficaces. El artículo identifica las deficiencias actuales del marco legal del referéndum y de la iniciativa popular tanto a nivel constitucional como legislativo e indica sugerencias para mejorar los mecanismos de la democracia directa letona, particularmente teniendo en cuenta la experiencia de otros países bálticos.

scholarly journals Reflexiones sobre una eventual reforma constitucional de los institutos de democracia directa y semidirecta // Reflections on a possible constitutional reform of institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Remedio Sánchez Ferriz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
New Left ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
Popular Initiative

Resumen:Pese a la teórica vinculación de la participación directa a la idea de democracia, la constituyente española fue extraordinariamente prudente en la regulación de los institutos de democracia semidirecta por temor de la izquierda a la repetición de las negativas experiencias históricas en el uso del referéndum; su decidida opción por la democracia representativa quedo fuera de toda duda en los debates parlamentarios. Por ello el texto de 1978 es extraordinariamente sobrio en la aceptación tanto de la iniciativa popular como del referéndum. Y no lo ha sido menos la práctica durante 40 años de estos instrumentos.Sin embargo, las más recientes formaciones políticas presentes en el Parlamento reivindican la importancia de la democracia semidirecta a nivel institucional como en paralelo observamos nuevas formas democráticas en la acción de los propios partidos políticos. Pero no queda claro que se este reivindicando la democracia semidirecta como instrumento de participación popular sino más bien parece invocarse como instrumento de un cambio constitucional al que tienden las nuevas izquierdas, a modo de ejercicio constituyente, sin que sea patente un proyecto de aceptación de tales medios con carácter general (o de ejercicio paralelo al de los poderes «constituidos»).La reciente experiencia de referéndums en países democráticos de nuestro entorno con resultados algo sorprendentes obliga a tenerlos en cuenta a la hora de reflexionar ante una posible reforma constitucional que afecte a los institutos de referencia. Ello explica las referencias comparadas que en el texto se contienen.Summary:I. Again on the idea of participation and democracy. II. Reluctance of the spanish constituent to host institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy. III. Four decades of democratic constitutional regime. IV. Some recent experiences in comparative law. V. On a possible constitutional reform that drives its development: possibilities and risks.Abstract:Despite the theoretical linkage of direct participation to the idea of democracy, the Spanish constituent was extraordinarily prudent in regulating the semi-direct democracy institutes by the fear of the political left to the repetition of the negative historical experiences in the use of the referendum; Its decided option for representative democracy was beyond doubt in parliamentary debates. That is why the 1978 text is extraordinarily sober in the acceptance of both the popular initiative and the referendum. And it has been no less the practice during 40 years of these instruments. However, the most recent political formations present in the Parliament claim the importance of semi-direct democracy at the institutional level, while in parallel we observe new democratic forms in the action of the political parties themselves. But it is not clear that they are claiming semi-direct democracy as an instrument of popular participation, but rather seems to be invoked as an instrument of constitutional change to which the new left tend, as a constituent exercise, without a project of acceptance of such General means (or exercise parallel to that of the «constituted» powers). The recent experience of referendums in democratic countries with surprising results requires them to be taken into account when reflecting on a possible constitutional reform affecting the relevant institutes.

scholarly journals Democracia, representación y participación ciudadana, a la búsqueda de un equilibrio que la Constitución no logró // Democracy, Representation and Citizen Participation, in search of a balance that 1978 Constitution did not achieve

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (101) ◽  
pp. 239
Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Díaz Revorio
Keyword(s):  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Conditioning Factors ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
Popular Initiative

Resumen:A la hora de regular el modelo de democracia y los mecanismos de participaciónciudadana, la Constitución de 1978 fue conformista y prudente. Estableció un modelo de democracia representativa basado en la posibilidad de elegir representantes cada cuatro años, pero sin especiales fórmulas de control y exigencias de responsabilidad política hacia ellos. Por lo demás, estableció una regulación restrictiva de los instrumentos de democracia directa y semidirecta, en especial del referéndum y de la iniciativa legislativa popular.Cuatro décadas después, las exigencias ciudadanas se han intensificado, generándose un cierto déficit de confianza entre electores y representantes. El trabajo analiza los principales déficits de la Constitución de 1978 en la materia, realizando varias propuestas para mejorar la calidad democrática, que en buena parte implican una amplia reforma constitucional: eliminar las restricciones constitucionales del referéndum y la iniciativa popular, incorporar vías de exigencia de responsabilidad y rendición de cuentas, limitar los mandatos del presidente, asegurar la democracia interna de los partidos políticos, eliminar algunas prerrogativas de los parlamentarios, entre otros.Abstract:When regulating the model of democracy and the mechanisms of citizen participation, the Constitution of 1978 was conformist and prudent. It established a model of representative democracy based on the possibility of electing representatives every four years, but without special formulas of control and demands of political responsibility towards them. Moreover, it established a restrictive regulation of the instruments of direct and semi-direct democracy, especially the referendum and popular legislative initiative. Four decades later, citizen demands have intensified, generating a certain lack of trust between voters and representatives. The paper analyzes the main deficits of the 1978 Constitution in the matter, making several proposals to improve the democratic quality, which in large part imply a broad constitutional reform: eliminate the constitutional restrictions of the referendum and popular initiative, incorporate channels of exigency of responsibility and accountability, limiting the president’s mandates, ensuring the internal democracy of political parties, eliminating some prerogatives of parliamentarians, among others. Summary:1. Representative democracy, direct democracy institutions, and citizen participation in Spanish Constitution: context and conditioning factors. 2. Some citizen participation institutions. 2.1. Referendum. 2.2. Popular initiative of Law. 2.3. The open council. 2.4. Participation in Administration. 2.5. The jury and others. 3. Four decades later, a crisis of confidence? 4. The task of democratic regeneration: good governance, participation, trust. 5. Development and legal reforms. 6. A task always pending: constitutional reform. 7. Conclusions

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

Discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by a Sweden Democrat in the European Parliament

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-439
Author(s):  
Kamber Güler
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Power ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Group

Discourses are mostly used by the elites as a means of controlling public discourse and hence, the public mind. In this way, they try to legitimate their ideology, values and norms in the society, which may result in social power abuse, dominance or inequality. The role of a critical discourse analyst is to understand and expose such abuses and inequalities. To this end, this paper is aimed at understanding and exposing the discursive construction of an anti-immigration Europe by the elites in the European Parliament (EP), through the example of Kristina Winberg, a member of the Sweden Democrats political party in Sweden and the political group of Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in the EP. In the theoretical and methodological framework, the premises and strategies of van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis make it possible to achieve the aim of the paper.

PANCASILA DAN IDENTITAS KE-INDONESIA-AN: Sebuah Catatan Krisis

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Muchid Albintani
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Identity Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
The Future ◽  
Electoral Regime ◽  
National Consensus

The term there is no legislation under development of Pancasila as the basis of the state, but theposition of Pancasila is unshakeable. The anti-Pancasila attitude must also be anti-diversity that can live as a nation and a state [national crises]. Without affirmation or not in the legislation, Pancasila is the ‘foundation and ideology of the state’. Based on the fact that there is irrelevant when the question arises, whether Pancasila is still needed as the basis of state and nation, or is Pancasila still needed as a source of national law that explicitly needs to be affirmed into the1945 Constitution and the sanctions of Pancasila tabulatively? This paper is an assertion of [reinforcement] of the Pencasila as an ideology into the 1945 Constitution or not, highly dependent on the winning electoral regime and the ‘election-winning political party’. Pancasila as ‘the foundation and ideology of the state’ becomes the determinant of ‘as close as the regime of the results of the practice of direct democracy’. Therefore, the affirmation of the essentials in building a lasting and harmonious life of fellow children of the nation in the future. Recognizing the reintroduction of the Indonesia’s identity of essence of Pancasila as the ideology of nation and state is based on ‘national consensus’. This awareness is resilient, so that a country that has been established for more than 73 years does not experience an identity crisis. 

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document