scholarly journals Swiss Direct Democracy and Regulation of Banking Sector

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Miroslaw Matyja
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Banking Sector ◽  
Financial Sector ◽  
Regulatory Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Influence ◽  
Bank Regulations ◽  
Decisive Influence ◽  
Popular Initiative

The aim of this article is to analyze the influence of the Swiss political system on the country’s banking sector. Is the Swiss direct democracy, which has no counterpart in any other country, an advantageous factor for the development and functioning of the banking sector? In order to fully answer this question, the author has analyzed the results of direct voting on the Swiss bank regulations. He has concluded that there is an important and direct influence of the political system on the functioning of the financial sector. The analysis of the results of various federal referenda confirms the thesis that the Swiss direct democracy (with its instruments of popular initiative and referendum) has a decisive influence on the regulatory process in the country’s banking sector.

scholarly journals Impediments to public consultations in the Polish local self-government

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-80
Author(s):  
Marcin Pomaranski
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Public Consultation ◽  
The Political ◽  
System Transformation ◽  
Practical Application ◽  
Practical Advice ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Consultations

The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of legislative solutions and practical application of the public consultations in the Polish local government after 1989. The legal changes that occurred during this period have guaranteed Polish citizens the tool to direct exercising the political power. Unfortunately, the lack of legislative precision in the use of mechanisms of civic participation in Poland is characteristic of public consultation. Despite the fact that this solution has been used by public administration since the political-system transformation and the passing of the Act on Gmina Self-Government of 1990, and that in 1997 the consultations as a form of the exercise of power by the citizens were also established in the Constitution, for the first two decades there was a fairly great freedom of interpretation in holding them, which the local self-government authorities widely used. Positive changes in the practice of using the mechanisms of public consultation in Poland, including the formulation of the widely accepted set of guidelines and practical advice concerning the manner of implementing these mechanisms, began to take place only in the last four to five years. Main thesis of the paper is the opinion that public consultations in the example of the Polish self-government despite nearly three decades of legislative and political experiences are still not an effective tool of direct democracy, but only a bureaucratic facade.

scholarly journals Federal System and Direct Democracy in Switzerland

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Miroslaw Matyja
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal System ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Unique System ◽  
The World ◽  
The Way

The main aim of this work is to present and analyze the structure and the way of operating of the Swiss instruments of direct democracy, as well as its significance for the country’s development. The Swiss example is the best case of functioning democracy in the world. Throughout the centuries, the Swiss political system has evolved into a mature and efficient democracy. The process of its improvement is still going on. Today, the political system of Switzerland can be described as parliamentary-cantonal. In 1848, the country adopted the Federal Constitution and a system based on referenda, while local issues, such as taxes, judiciary, schooling, police, and welfare were left to the cantons. In 1874, the document was amended and the optional referendum was introduced. In 1891, another amendment cemented the unique system by rooting in strongly in direct democracy. The current constitution of Switzerland was adopted by the majority of voter through a referendum that took place in 1999.

Democracy in Ireland

2021 ◽  
pp. 88-104
Author(s):  
Peter Stone
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Ideal ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
The Republic

How democratic is the political system of the Republic of Ireland? Answering this question requires recognizing that the term ‘democracy’ denotes both a normative ideal and a set of political practices aimed at advancing that ideal. In this chapter, I argue that the democratic ideal has both an individual and a collective component. At an individual level, a democracy must embody a conception of democratic equality. At a collective level, a democracy must embody popular sovereignty. I then relate this two-part ideal to Ireland’s political institutions. This task, I will argue, is complicated by the fact that Ireland, like most real-world democracies, employs several different democratic decision-making methods—what I will call direct democracy, electoral democracy, and aleatory democracy. It is difficult, I conclude, to specify how all three methods can be reconciled within a single story about the democratic ideal.

scholarly journals Direct Democracy in the Faroe Islands. A comparative study of referendums in a Faroese context. / Beinleiðis fólkaræði í Føroyum. Ein samanberandi rannsókn av fólkaatkvøðum í einum føroyskum høpi

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Hans Andrias Sølvará
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Significant Influence ◽  
International Research ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Faroe Islands ◽  
Cultural Conditions

<p><strong>Abstract:</strong> There have been 14 referendums in the Faroe Islands about very different issues. In this paper these referendums will be analysed in relation to the use of referendums in the Faroe Islands – from the perspective of the political system as well as from the view of the voter. A comparison will be made with similar referendums in Denmark, Iceland and Australia. An attempt to classify Faroese referendums in accordance with international research will also be done. The conclusion in the article is 1) that historical and cultural conditions, especially the Danish Faroese relations, have influenced several of these referendums, even referendums that are not about these issues, 2) that referendums in the Faroe Islands haven’t always been well prepared by the political authorities, 3) that party politics usually have significant influence and 4) that the majority of the voters usually have used the vote to demonstrate against the more or less party politically biased intentions of the political majority that often have been underlying Faroese referendums. Generally speaking, this article concludes that if referendums are to be a real successful alternative to representative democratic deci­sion-making then they have to be preceded by negotiations where both – all – relevant oppos­ing sides agree on the referendum terms. This is especially very important when it comes to definitive referendums on secession.</p><p><strong>Úrtak:</strong> Tað hava verið 14 fólkaatkvøður um nógv ym­isk viðurskifti í Føroyum. Í greinini verður hugt eftir hesum fólkaatkvøðunum við atliti at hvussu fólkaatkvøður hava verið brúktar í Før­oyum, bæði tá tað snýr seg um politisku skip­anina og veljararnar. Samanborið verður eisini við líknandi fólkaatkvøður í Danmark, Íslandi og Avstralia. Eisini verður roynt at flokka tær føroysku fólkaatkvøðurnar við støði í altjóða gransking. Niðurstøðan í greinini er, 1) at søgulig og mentanarlig viðurskifti, serstakliga viðurskiftini millum Danmark og Føroyar, hava havt týdning fyri fleiri av hesum fólka­at­kvøðum, eisini fyri summar, ið ikki snúgva seg um hesi viðurskifti, 2) at fólkaatkvøður í Før­oy­um ikki altíð hava verið so væl fyriskipaðar av politisku skipanini, 3) at ofta hevur parta­politikkur havt nógv at siga og 4) at meirilutin av veljarunum hevur ofta brúkt sína atkvøðu til at atkvøða í móti teimum meira ella minni parta­politisku ætlanunum, sum hava ligið aft­an­fyri hesar fólkaatkvøður. Almenna niðurstøðan er, at skulu fólka­at­kvøð­ur vera eitt veruligt alternativ til um­boð­andi demokratiska støðutakan, so mugu tær grund­ast á frammanundan førdar samráðingar, har báðir – allar – viðkomandi stríðandi partar góð­taka sjálvar treytirnar undir fólkaatkvøðuni. Hetta er serliga av stórum týdningi, tá talan er um avgerandi fólkaatkvøður um fullveldi.</p>

scholarly journals Mental and Practical Roots of the Formation of Democratic Party of Iran and Its Ruling Thought

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
Mohammad Ali Ahmadi
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Influence ◽  
Election Law ◽  
Direct Extraction ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Political Scene

social groups, new political currents inspired from socialist thoughts entered the political scene of Iran. This current before the formation of second national counsel parliament was active under different groups and categories. The establishment of new political system after the victory of constitutionalists over minor tyranny and conquering Tehran some of the activists of these organizations were persuaded to engage at parliamentary activities. Change of the election law at the threshold of second parliament establishment which abolished the union representativeness principle facilitated the possibility of party activities in parliament therefore by the occurrence of the new conditions the activities of these groups were oriented to direct influence and attendance in the power structure by the party. With this goal in mind, some of the EJTEMAIYUN and a number of active Armenian social democrats of Tabriz with the assistance of Rasulzade, socialist &lt;Hemmat organization&gt;, founded &lt;Democratic Party of Iran&gt;. The present study is an attempt to analyze the bases which lead to the cooperation of these people with various political and organizational origins. The practical actions of the organizers by direct extraction from documents related to Democrat Party and the extraction of the ruling thought from the published texts by this organization constitute the content of the present article.

scholarly journals Reflexiones sobre una eventual reforma constitucional de los institutos de democracia directa y semidirecta // Reflections on a possible constitutional reform of institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Remedio Sánchez Ferriz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
New Left ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
Popular Initiative

Resumen:Pese a la teórica vinculación de la participación directa a la idea de democracia, la constituyente española fue extraordinariamente prudente en la regulación de los institutos de democracia semidirecta por temor de la izquierda a la repetición de las negativas experiencias históricas en el uso del referéndum; su decidida opción por la democracia representativa quedo fuera de toda duda en los debates parlamentarios. Por ello el texto de 1978 es extraordinariamente sobrio en la aceptación tanto de la iniciativa popular como del referéndum. Y no lo ha sido menos la práctica durante 40 años de estos instrumentos.Sin embargo, las más recientes formaciones políticas presentes en el Parlamento reivindican la importancia de la democracia semidirecta a nivel institucional como en paralelo observamos nuevas formas democráticas en la acción de los propios partidos políticos. Pero no queda claro que se este reivindicando la democracia semidirecta como instrumento de participación popular sino más bien parece invocarse como instrumento de un cambio constitucional al que tienden las nuevas izquierdas, a modo de ejercicio constituyente, sin que sea patente un proyecto de aceptación de tales medios con carácter general (o de ejercicio paralelo al de los poderes «constituidos»).La reciente experiencia de referéndums en países democráticos de nuestro entorno con resultados algo sorprendentes obliga a tenerlos en cuenta a la hora de reflexionar ante una posible reforma constitucional que afecte a los institutos de referencia. Ello explica las referencias comparadas que en el texto se contienen.Summary:I. Again on the idea of participation and democracy. II. Reluctance of the spanish constituent to host institutes of direct and semi-direct democracy. III. Four decades of democratic constitutional regime. IV. Some recent experiences in comparative law. V. On a possible constitutional reform that drives its development: possibilities and risks.Abstract:Despite the theoretical linkage of direct participation to the idea of democracy, the Spanish constituent was extraordinarily prudent in regulating the semi-direct democracy institutes by the fear of the political left to the repetition of the negative historical experiences in the use of the referendum; Its decided option for representative democracy was beyond doubt in parliamentary debates. That is why the 1978 text is extraordinarily sober in the acceptance of both the popular initiative and the referendum. And it has been no less the practice during 40 years of these instruments. However, the most recent political formations present in the Parliament claim the importance of semi-direct democracy at the institutional level, while in parallel we observe new democratic forms in the action of the political parties themselves. But it is not clear that they are claiming semi-direct democracy as an instrument of popular participation, but rather seems to be invoked as an instrument of constitutional change to which the new left tend, as a constituent exercise, without a project of acceptance of such General means (or exercise parallel to that of the «constituted» powers). The recent experience of referendums in democratic countries with surprising results requires them to be taken into account when reflecting on a possible constitutional reform affecting the relevant institutes.

The Effect of Political Parties on Nationwide Referendums in Poland after 1989

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 733-754
Author(s):  
Maciej Hartliński
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina. The article is the first attempt to describe and compare five nationwide referendums in Poland after 1989 as tools of direct democracy exploited by political parties. The article makes two primary contributions to the literature. The explanation focuses on the circumstances as well as the two main motives of the referendum initiators, that is, to cause trouble for political opponents and strengthen one’s own position by legitimising one’s own proposals concerning the political system and foreign policy directions. Moreover, the article discusses six methods employed by political parties to use the institution of nationwide referendum for their own political purposes. Interestingly, the Polish example shows that nationwide referendums have twofold effects for their initiators. On the one hand, they allow political parties to effectively realise the aims behind the initiated referendum. On the other hand, both political parties (1996, 1997, 2003) and presidents (1996 and 2015) sustained defeats in the next parliamentary or presidential elections.

Semi-Presidential Reform and Referendums in France and Romania

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 384-407
Author(s):  
Anthony Murphy
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Partial Success ◽  
De Gaulle

Abstract This paper seeks to examine how direct democracy was used as a means to achieve or to strengthen semi-presidentialism in France and Romania. Whereas the Fifth Republic is widely seen as the archetypal semi-presidential regime, Romania relied heavily on this particular model for its post-communist constitution but opted to drastically reduce the powers of an otherwise directly-elected head of state. Nevertheless, the Gaullist reforms of postwar France echoed through the turn of the century. Traian Băsescu used referendums in an uncanny resemblance to Charles de Gaulle’s own pursuit of constitutional reform. Both aimed to increase the president’s role and decrease parliamentary involvement in the dual executive. However, only de Gaulle achieved partial success in shaping the political system.

scholarly journals Territorial Public Self-Government as an Element of Political Infrastructure for Secure Development of Municipal Sections in the Conditions of Digitalization

2021 ◽  
pp. 156-163
Author(s):  
E. N. Shchegolev
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Territorial Development ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Definition Of

The research is devoted to the topic of forming a political infrastructure for the safe development of municipalities, creating technologies for attracting political infrastructure participants to the development and assessment of alternatives for the optimal development of territories.We set ourselves the goal of showing territorial public self-government as a tool for increasing the openness of political decision-making and public confidence in the authorities, and identifying the transformational potential of digital technologies in the context of territorial public self-government.The methodological basis of the research was provided by such theories as: the information cybernetic model of the political system of K. Deutsch, the theory of the political system of D. Easton, the theory of deliberative democracy by J. Besset, the theory of direct democracy I. Blo, model of monitor (digital) democracy by J. Keane.The main results of this study are the following:1) the author’s definition of the concept of “digitalization” was introduced — this is a process of radical transformation of the interaction of people in all spheres of social life, the implementation of which became possible on the basis of replacing analog (physical) data collection and processing systems with new technological systems that generate, transmit and process a digital signal about your condition. This transformation presupposes the formation of a different outlook of citizens, the use of other methods of management;2) the author’s definition of the concept of “political infrastructure” is introduced — these are the types of connections between the elements of the political system. Different types of ties form various modifications of political institutions, they determine the contours of political communications carried out in the political space, including using various political technologies to influence the behavior of political forces.3) in the context of digitalization, interactive interaction of participants in the political process, the very configuration of the political infrastructure for the development of territories is changing, the political toolkit of dialogue between the authorities and society is changing, implying an increasingly widespread use of technologies to involve participants in political processes in the development and assessment of alternatives for optimal territorial development.

Effect of the political system on perinatal and neonatal care in Berlin between 1950 and 2010

2015 ◽  
Vol 219 (S 01) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Grünwald ◽  
M Beer ◽  
S Mamay ◽  
F Rupp ◽  
J Stupin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Neonatal Care ◽  
The Political
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