De sociale struktuur en het politieke proces : Een vergelijkende studie in 147 Belgische Gemeenten

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-425
Author(s):  
Michael Aiken ◽  
Hugo Van Gassel

This paper is concerned with the question of how the social and economic structure of cities affects the degree of political competition and how in turn these factors affect the degree of a political stability. It isbased on a comparative empirical study of the outcomes of the communal elections of 1952, 1958 and 1964 in 147 Belgian cities that had a population size of 10.000 or more in 1947.In the first place the following generalizations are made with regard to the election outcomes in these cities during the 1952-1964 period. 1. A general proliferation of lists or parties participating in the elections from 1952 to 1964.2. A trend from one-party-control over the college (executive committee) of the city council toward coalition-control.3. A net increase in the number of catholic lists and a net decrease in the number of socialist and liberal lists participating in the colleges of these townships.4. An increase in the number of cities in which newer, smaller and nontraditional parties or lists participated in the college of the city council.Three measures of politica! competitions are employed :1. The average number of parties or lists, that entered the communal election of 1952, 1958 and 1964.2. The average number of lists that received at least ten per cent of the vote in these three elections, and3. The presence or absence of a coalition on the college of the city council in 1952.The two measures of politica! stability, which are also based on the results of the same elections, are :1. The degree of stability in the lists and parties participating in the college of the city council, and2. The degree of stability in the list or party controlling the college of the city council.In general, measures of structural differentiation, linguistic diversity, industrial diversity, and social heterogeneity (i.e. , the presence of a large middle class) are found to be positively related to the degree of competition in local politics. In turn, measures of each of these structural factors and the measures of political competition are found to be negatively related to measures of political stability. Regression analysis supports the interpretation that diversity and heterogeneity in the social structure of cities - specifically, population size, density, and the presence of many persons with high occupational status - contribute to greater politica! competition in local polities, but that it is the degree of political competition that most strongly affects the degree of political stability.The conclusion is drawn that cities with a high degree of social and economic heterogeneity have a greater amount of conflict and cleavage. This results in greater competition in the political arena whichin turn predisposes such cities to have a high degree of instability in the control of their city governments.

Author(s):  
Salvador Angosto

The topic of the article are the complex stages of the formation of the Bon Pastor neighbourhood in Barcelona, and contemporary efforts to create the remembrance space system that would preserve the social memory and historical identity of the place. The author presents how the urban development plans for the district were transformed as a result of major changes in national politics, economy, and social policy, since the 1930s, through 60s and 70s, till today. The article describes the Bon Pastor Civic Memory project as an interesting example of a participatory action aimed at the preservation of local heritage. The implementation of the Civic Memory project was possible due to the neighbours’ initiative and their cooperation with cultural and academic institutions. The aim of this project is to mark certain points of the territory which possess historically and socially significant value, and to enhance them through public art, urban design and other implementations envisaged. The Association of residents of Bon Pastor (Barcelona) has been characterized, since 1974, for its combative and vindictive nature, at the same time as for its great capacity to launch solidarity initiatives and manage complicated processes to improve the living conditions of residents of the neighbourhood. After the struggles to obtain a health centre, the improvement of communications by metro and bus, and the constant improvement of public space, in recent years, the Association is co-managing with the Barcelona City Council, the radical transformation of the neighbourhood. The different phases for the remodelling of the neighbourhood, by replacing the so-called “cheap houses” with new buildings, with more spacious apartments and with better material conditions, is coming to an end and now, the possibility opens up, driven by the neighbours and the Museum of the History of the City (MUHBA) to have a metropolitan museographic space devoted to the presentation and study of the evolution of workers’ and popular housing in Barcelona.


2020 ◽  
pp. 332-345
Author(s):  
Meret Strothmann

The Roman municipal laws from Spain tell us much more about the political constitution of Roman cities than any other document from the Western provinces. However, the fragments at our disposal do not provide information about the social and religious identity of the citizens and incolae. A short survey of Latin inscriptions in Spain shows that in Baetica, where the municipal laws were found, there is very little evidence for indigenous cults, in contrast to other Spanish provinces, numerous deities and cults are attested. It is suggested that municipal laws do not add much to our knowledge of religious life in the cities precisely because they were conceptualized as blueprints for different cities with different conditions. The lack of precise instructions regarding religious institutions is to be seen as part of a broader concept. Thus, in a paragraph of the late-republican constitution for the colony of Urso, the city council has the right to complete the calendar, i.e. to define the official cults. In the Flavian constitution of Irni, such a paragraph is missing, but instead another indication of local authority in respect to possible acculturation can be found: the founder is allowed to legislate, but only within the limits of Roman customary law. Roman cities in Spain were able to autonomously model the religious landscape in response to local needs, a capacity clearly expressed in legal terms.


2020 ◽  
pp. 132-149
Author(s):  
Robert G. Spinney

This chapter speaks of Judge Murray F. Tuley and the Municipal Voters' League who sought to save the city from the Chicago City Council and their conspirators, the elected city aldermen. It analyzes how the Chicago City Council allegedly degraded the city by means of what Chicagoans called boodle, which was the selling of municipal favors or privileges by politicians for personal profit. It also describes Tuley's sense of a noble crusade of righteousness that was typical of Progressive Era reformers, who sought to purge their cities of corruption, dishonesty, and bad government. The chapter highlights the Progressive movement that swept America, manifesting itself in the reform of both national and local politics between 1890 and 1915. It explores the Progressive Era reforms that accompanied America's transition from a nation of farmers and artisans to a nation characterized by immigration, industrialization, and urbanization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Carlton

The Christchurch City Council election of 2013 provides a compelling case study through which to consider the interaction between politics and city space. On the one hand, through the careful placement of campaign posters, politics encroached on the physical terrain of the city. On the other hand, candidates included in their campaign material multitudinous references to ‘Christchurch the city,’ demonstrating the extent to which the physical environment of the post-disaster city had become central to local politics.


2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Glavičić

In the third volume of the collection of Latin inscriptions Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum an inscription was published under the number 1745. It was written on a base of a monument which was set up in the first half of the 2nd century in honour of an Epidaurum notable P. Aelius Osillianus. The inscription was found in 1856, when two interesting articles about the find of that inscription in Cavtat were published in the Zadar newspaper Osservatore Dalmato (nos. 79 and 96). They were written by Mato Vodopić and Šime Ljubić. The author presents a transcript of the published articles (Appendix I and Appendix II) and comments on their contents, mentioning also basic biographical information about their authors. Mato Vodopić was a theologian, writer an natural scientist, who became a bishop of Dubrovnik by the end of his life (Fig. 1). Šime Ljubić was a writer, historian and an archaeologist, who is rightfully esteemed as one of the founders of modern archaeology in Croatia due to his self-sacrifying and above all professional work (Fig. 2). On the basis of epigraphic and onomastic analysis the author presents his own comment on the text of the inscription CIL III, 1745 (Fig. 3). P. Aelius Osillianus was an Epidaurum notable who probably originated from an autochtonous Romanized family from the colony territory or nearby inland. Namely, as his naming formula indicates, his family obtained citizenship during the Emperor Hadrian, and as early as the first half of the 2nd century it had risen significantly in the social scale band belonged to the highest aristocracy in Epidaurum. This is evident from the inscription text, since due to family's reputation, and his personal achievements, the entire city council honoured P. Aelius Osillianus and determined the place for raising the monument by unanimous vote. All activities regarding the construction of the monument and organizing accompanying ceremonies, which implied covering the costs as well, were managed by Ossilianus' mother Novia Bassila and grandmother Iustilla. When the monument was inaugurated, they gave appropriate gifts (sportulae), to the members of the city council, augustales and seviri, and for their fellow-citizens they organized boxing matches. The inscription CIL III, 1745 is exceptionally important since it documents almost entire procedure of paying respect to a deserving citizen during the first half of the 2nd century in Epidaurum.


Author(s):  
Raimunda Silva D'Alencar

Resumo: Este artigo tem o propósito de analisar a questão da violência contra pessoas idosas na cidade de Itabuna, sul do Estado da Bahia, a partir de denúncias recebidas pelo Conselho Municipal do Idoso. Os casos denunciados, e apurados na pesquisa, refletem o abandono em que se encontram as famílias por parte do poder público, e dão conta de que a violência contra idosos se associa aos frágeis vínculos afetivos construídos por essas famílias, bem como a desvinculação social a que são submetidas, que os reproduzem na convivência familiar cotidiana. Os idosos dependentes de cuidadores acabam sendo as vítimas do descaso do poder público, cada vez mais incapaz de garantir vinculação e pertencimento social a muitos brasileiros, e dos transitórios valores incorporados pelos jovens, onde o idoso não tem espaço. Palavras-chave: Violência. Maus Tratos. Envelhecimento. Abstract: This article has the intention to analyze the question of the violence against aged people in the city of Itabuna, southern Bahia state, from denunciations received by the City council. The denounced cases and the ones which were found out in the research reflect how the public power treats the elder families. It also reflects that the violence against aged is associated with the fragile affective bonds constructed by these families, as well as the social disconnection which they are submitted. The aged who is under somebody’s care can be victim of the public indifference, that is, each time more incapable to guarantee entailing and social belonging to many Brazilians, and victim of the transitory values incorporated by the young people, where the aged one does not have space. Keywords: Violence. Maltreatment. Aging.


2004 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Mortensen

Politiske, historiske og sociale baggrunde for beslutningen om at anlægge Københavns Idrætspark i 1911.For the city’s sake – the construction of Copenhagen’s Sports Park The creation of Copenhagen’s Sports Park in 1911 can in several ways be seen as the first fragile step on the way to the involvement of voluntary sports in the construction of our welfare state. In the first place the debate and the entire procedure in the city council in Copenhagen demonstrate that sport was regarded as a positive instrument in the prevention of the substantial social and health problems that prevailed in Copenhagen around 1900. In the second place sport – in the form of DIF (The Sports Union of Denmark), Copenhagen’s sporting associations and individuals connected to voluntary sporting activities – was particularly active in this process. In the third place it is interesting that, in constructing the private foundation that was Copenhagen’s Sports Park, Copenhagen Municipal delegated the administration of the city’s sports facilities to the sports associations. This article further describes how Copenhagen’s Sports Park was arranged as an alliance between the city’s conservative politicians and the worker’s movement in the form of the Social Democrat Party.


Author(s):  
Mark J. Rozell ◽  
Clyde Wilcox

The US government is the oldest continuing operating federal system, in part because of its relatively high degree of stability and respect for the rule of law. But does that make the US system a model for other nation-states to emulate? “Federalism in the world” compares and contrasts the federal systems of six countries—Switzerland, Canada, Brazil, Australia, India, and Nigeria—to better recognize the strengths and weaknesses of the US system. The idiosyncratic elements of each nation’s federalism are a function of the social, economic, and political forces that contest politics; the nature of the ethnic, linguistic, political, and other cleavages; and decisions made by leaders in the past.


2020 ◽  
pp. 229-264
Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

This chapter analyses the seventh characteristic of Roman political culture. The way that political institutions were functioning was based on the claim that they were central to society. Reality was different, and this produced ambiguities in the way elites positioned themselves. These can be analysed on the basis of the Ravenna papyri, which contain a number of reports of meetings of the city council of Ravenna and some other Italian cities. They show how a number of developments coalesced. First, the city council still formed a place to foster elite identity, but it did so in a society in which the traditional markers of elite identity were no longer adhered to by all, in which the church took over some of the social and economic roles, and in which some persons outside the council quite likely enjoyed a significantly higher level of wealth and status than the councillors themselves. Second, it shows what functions the remaining councils could perform, both at a practical and a symbolic level. By authenticating documents in accordance with the requirements of late-antique law, they performed an important practical notarial function. At a symbolic level, the elaborate procedures meant that social relations were enacted during the transactions. The council could assume—if only briefly—the central position in society that it still claimed. Third, it also shows the scripted quality of the proceedings. As the functions of the council and its role in society were reduced, role playing took over. Politics became literally scripted.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja Winkler

AbstractGrowing efforts by religious communities to pursue political goals have directed scholarly attention to their role as potential antipoverty and development agents in local settings. Yet agents are organized in a myriad of ways. Some forge alliances across traditional boundaries via 'bridging' mechanisms; others defend particularistic interests by adopting 'barrier' strategies. The former, however, is more likely to lead to the social transformation of poor neighbourhoods. Accordingly, in Johannesburg's most stressed inner-city neighbourhood, Hillbrow, sites of faith-based activities have become 'spaces of hope' for approximately seventy percent of its residents and at least eight faith-based organizations (FBOs) facilitate social and welfare programmes abandoned by the City Council. Here, despite the implementation of community development projects, poverty and hardship prevail. This article seeks to investigate reasons for developmental fragmentation by researching the institutional and political cultures of Hillbrow's FBOs and the City of Johannesburg.


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