Crises macro-sociales et stabilité de l'élite : Etude de l'élite belge face aux perturbations sociales durant la période 1919-1981

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-325
Author(s):  
Wilfried Dewachter

Between 1919 and 1981, Belgium was confronted with a number of profound societal crises : one world war, two af termaths of world wars, severe economie crises, a new politica! orientation, and serious internal political conflicts. This article examines the reaction of the elite to these crises, and operationalizes this reaction by the circulationof the elite.The non-political elite remained strikingly stable in spite of the multiplicity and intensity of the crises. The political elite, in this period, circulated much more rapidly. Still, this was primarily in function of governmental instability. Crises shrink the room for maneuver of politicians, but crises are clearly not the only, and even not the most important factors contributing to governmental instability. The changes were, moreover, compensated for to a considerable degree by returns to former positions. Thus, there was a lot of rotation rather than circulation, especially among the top-level politicians.

This book is about how humankind can manage global problems to achieve both security and justice in an age of antithesis. Global connectivity is increasing, visibly and invisibly—in trade, finance, culture, and information—helping to spur economic growth, technological advance, and greater understanding and freedom, but global disconnects are growing as well. Ubiquitous electronics rely on high-value minerals scraped from the earth by miners kept dirt-poor by corruption and war. People abandon burning states for the often indifferent welcome of wealthier lands whose people, in turn, pull in on themselves. International bucket brigades are too little, too late—and some throw gas on the flames. Humanity’s very success, underwritten in large part by lighting up gigatons of long-buried carbon for 200 years, now threatens humanity’s future. The global governance institutions established after World War Two to manage global threats, especially the twin scourges of war and poverty, have expanded in reach and impact, while paradoxically losing the political support of their wealthiest and most powerful members. Their problems mimic those of their members in struggling to adapt to new problems and maintain trust in institutions. This volume argues, however, that a properly mandated, managed, and modernized global architecture offers unparalleled potential to midwife solutions to vexing issues that transcend borders and capacities of individual actors, from conflict and climate change to poverty and pandemic disease. The volume offers “just security” as a new conceptual framework for evaluating innovative solutions and strategies for institutional reform.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-58
Author(s):  
Michał A. Piegzik

The main goal of this article is to present the historical development of the kokutai doctrine pol. national policy, which emerged in the Empire of Japan in 1867–1945 and which was one of the ideological foundations of the Japanese internal and foreign policy. Its formulation and subsequent consolidation in the form of legal regulations is closely related to the period of modernization and rivalry with the European colonial powers and the United States for influence on the political map of East Asia. The kokutai doctrine embodies concepts such as chauvinism, nationalism, racism, militarism, expansionism and statism. Attempts to put them into practice led to the outbreak of the World War Two in the Pacific and the total defeat of Japan against the Allies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-126
Author(s):  
Anthony Roche

This essay argues that Kate O'Brien's novels set in a contemporary Ireland engage directly with the political and public character of that society. O'Brien focusses her critique on Eamon de Valera, Taoiseach from 1932 on. Pray for the Wanderer (1938) directly responds to the 1937 Constitution and its relegation of women to the home. The Last of Summer (1943) is set just before World War Two and takes critical measure of the political and cultural isolationism dominant in Ireland by the end of the 1930s. In O'Brien's historical novel That Lady (1946), King Philip II of Spain is a thinly veiled portrait of de Valera, aging and conservative, confining the spirited woman who challenges him to incarceration within her home.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. p65
Author(s):  
Frederick D. Bedell

This precis speaks to the failure of the United States government to sustain the wealth of the middle-class after the post-World War Two years’, while serving the wealthiest Americans. It will document how the country has become polarized and fractured along ideological and cultural lines. This situation has created a segmentation of the country that has competing visions, purpose and meaning which is tearing it apart.It will also focus on the inequality in the country that has emerged from the Oligarchy’s domination of the political and free market space-government of the 1%, by the 1% AND FOR THE 1%. Their mantra is to keep the government out of business and have business in the government.


Author(s):  
Heike Wieters

Chapter 1 depicts the political, social and economic situation on the European continent at the end of World War Two and gives an account of international and United States relief activities to help feed the war-afflicted civilian populations in Europe. It takes a closer look at the incorporation and establishment of the Cooperative for American Relief to Europe (CARE) as a temporary private voluntary relief organization and sheds light on the social and political dynamics leading up to the establishment of one of the fastest growing US humanitarian NGOs in the aftermath of WWII


1999 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadir Özbek

This article examines the Ottoman state's increasing involvement in caring for the poor and the needy and the emergence of modern relief institutions and hospitals throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The particular focus will be on the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909) and the second constitutional period (1908-14) up until World War I.Rather than presenting the emergence of poor-relief institutions in the Ottoman Empire as a function of increasing poverty and need, or as a function of the state's desire to control and regulate the urban population for various concerns, I concentrate on the dynamics of the political sphere. I will focus particularly on the political conflict between the sultan and the new political elite, whose identity was defined in relation to newly structured state functions and services.


2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (S17) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
NurŞen Gürboğa

SummaryThis study examines the forms of state domination over mine labour and the struggles of coalminers at the Zonguldak coalfield during World War II. It is focused on the everyday experiences of compulsory workers as reflected in petitions by those workers and the surveillance materials of the single-party regime at the time. Its aim is to reveal how, under an authoritarian regime, compulsory workers created a political agency. The compulsory labour system was one of the most coercive devices with which the state controlled mine labour between 1940 and 1947, but the compulsory workers negotiated with the political elite for their living and working conditions, and did so within a political sphere which had been devised by the ruling elite as a governmental strategy for managing and shaping the population. By subverting the political discourse of the ruling elite, the miners contributed not just to the development of workers’ rights, but also helped reveal the merits of a democratic society.


Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-191
Author(s):  
Rik Coolsaet

European states, including Belgium, have looked at the construction of Europe through an economie and a political prism. Both dimensions have evolved following parallel paths. In Belgium a large consensus has always existed concerning the economie dimension of the European construction. In this respect Belgiums post-1945 European policies area direct continuation of the interwar efforts to build a West-European economic area, based on a free trade philosophy and a rejection of economic nationalism which always handicapped small trading states such as Belgium. Even before the second world war the Belgian elite thus accepted the principles of economic multilateralism.In the political dimension however a consensus on a federal Europe only emerged at the end of the seventies. Till then, important parts of the Belgian political elite remained sceptical and even hostile to the construction of a supranational Europe, based on a traditional view on political autonomy and independence. The reasons why Belgian views on the political dimension of Europe slowly shifted to a federal objective were partly domestic and partly the result of the growing awareness that a small countries' political interests in the world can be best pursued through supranationality.


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