Hoe komen toekomstige mandatarissen in contact met de lokale politiek ? : Een verkennend onderzoek

Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-88
Author(s):  
Carl Devos ◽  
Elke Matthyssen ◽  
Herwig Reynaert ◽  
Jacqueline Van Hoe
Keyword(s):  
Health Insurance ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Advisory Body ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
The Way

The way politicians get in contact with local polities in Flanders bas been examined based on the sociological distinction between ascribed and achieved status positions.  Politically active relatives were considered characteristic of ascribed local mandates.Membership of different associations was seen as a way of personally achieving a local mandate. The results indicate that a combination of both was most frequently occuring. In spite of popular convictions, family was still quite important to get in contact with politics. This is shown in the high rates of respondents having politically active relatives.Next to this, a lot of political involvement occured via participation in a diversity of associations. Participations considered were membership, diligence and officeholding in a political party, a union, a health insurance organisation, an advisory body and all other political or non-political associations.

Aspects of style and meaning in the analysis of a Hausa Poem

1982 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 546-570
Author(s):  
G. L Furniss
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Verbal Art ◽  
Praise Poetry ◽  
The Way

Much of modern Hausa verse is either didactic in tone or is written in praise of God, a person, or a political party. Didacticism and praise are often seen as separate descriptive labels for poetry, song or other forms of verbal art. Yet treatment of topic may in fact be very similar in didactic and in praise poetry; certainly in Hausa this is the case. The aspect of treatment that shows this similarity is the association of the message/theme/topic with words conveying the ideas ‘good’, ‘worth’, ‘quality’ or words indicating their opposites ‘bad’, ‘worthlessness’, ‘lack of quality’. This association is made rather in the way that a product is sold by being linked by the advertiser to things ‘attractive’, ‘of value’, ‘of use’, etc., except that the valueloaded words in Hausa are drawn from a moral and religious code very different from those ‘codes’used to sell soap.

“We are the 99%”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Heldman
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Ease Of Use ◽  
Consumer Activism ◽  
The Past ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines the contemporary era of consumer activism in the U.S. that started in the mid-2000s with the advent of social media. Contemporary consumer activism is distinct in its ease of use, transnational focus, effectiveness, and popularity. Americans have become more politically active through the marketplace in the past decade, and this has altered the way companies do business. The chapter concludes that the current era of marketplace activism strengthens democracy through higher rates of participation in the marketplace for political ends.

Women, Power, and the State in Guinea

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Dessertine
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Property Rights ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
Political Resource ◽  
French Colonial

Women’s involvement in the processes of state formation is marked by a strong ambivalence in Guinea: female political mobilizations appear as an indispensable advantage for state power when they are deployed in support of it, but these mobilizations can likewise disrupt and generate major problems for the state when they are directed against it. The efficacy of female political involvement is closely linked to the historiography of relationships between women and the state in Guinea, a country that helped construct an image of female activism outside of areas considered to be exclusively political, and as a guarantor of social justice. During the colonial period, as was the case for many other countries under French colonial rule, the influence of women was restricted to the domestic sphere: once households ceased to constitute a political resource for the colonial regimes (in contrast to the precolonial era), the influence that women were able to wield within, for example, matrimonial alliances was considerably reduced. Yet, women played a highly important role in nationalist conflicts and under the regime of Sékou Touré, who served as Guinea’s first president from 1958 to 1984. Presented as the “women’s man,” Touré sought high integration of women into his political party, based on structures inspired by the Soviet socialist model. This was a Guinean political originality. In this context, even though women were given official prominence, their demands nonetheless drew on conservative models that relied on a politicization of the maternal figure. Yet the domestic and apolitical character of female mobilization still lends it a spontaneous efficacy in a context in which laws supporting women are seldom enforced and in which the situation seems to have become increasingly precarious for women due to male emigration and inequalities in property rights.

Antis Adjust to Enfranchisement, 1917–1932

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Goodier
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Specific Goal

This chapter offers an alternative—but far more logical–end to the story of anti-suffrage. In the process of preventing their enfranchisement, many former anti-suffrage women came to see the value of political involvement and power. This represents the experience of most New York anti-suffrage leaders and their supporters after enfranchisement. Quite a few former anti-suffragists, including, in particular, Alice Hill Chittenden, appeared to welcome the new political role for women and became involved in party politics with the specific goal of educating women to make good use of the franchise. The chapter discusses the politicization of former anti-suffragists and the ways they chose to play their role as enfranchised members of the polity. Many of these women became active members of the Republican Party, carrying on their political activity in much the same way as they had for anti-suffragism, this time voting and loyal to a political party.

Tragedy, genealogy and theories of International Relations

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alister Wedderburn
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Subjectivity ◽  
Constituent Part ◽  
Collège De France ◽  
Lecture Series ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Hans Morgenthau ◽  
The Way

This article interrogates the role of tragedy within the work of International Relations theorists including Michael Dillon, Mervyn Frost, Richard Ned Lebow and Hans Morgenthau. It argues that a tragic sensibility is a constituent part of much thinking about politics and the international, and asks what the reasons for this preoccupation might be. Noting that a number of diverse theoretical appeals to tragedy in International Relations invoke analytically similar understandings of tragic-political subjectivity, the article problematises these by building on Michel Foucault’s intermittent concern with the genre in his Collège de France lecture series. It proposes that a genealogical consideration of tragedy enables an alertness to its political associations and implications that asks questions of the way in which it is commonly conceived within the discipline. The article concludes by suggesting that International Relations theorists seeking to invoke tragedy must think carefully about the ontological, epistemological, ethical and political claims associated with such a move.

Communication: The Political Patronage of Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales

1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. N. Newman
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Considerable Degree ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Future ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
Early Eighteenth Century ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Concrete Reality ◽  
The Way

An association between the prince of Wales and various opposition leaders is a recurrent feature of eighteenth-century politics. A politically active prince found little difficulty in securing a following among the politicians of the day; the glittering prospects of the ‘reversionary’ interest1 were an obvious lure, and an obvious basis for such a connexion. But this is not a complete explanation. The prince had also a considerable degree of patronage at his disposal, and could add a more immediate and concrete reality to promises for the future. A study of this patronage, its extent and its disposal, and more particularly the way in which it was exercised by Frederick, ‘Poor Fred’, throws much light on the connexion between the prince and his political friends, and contributes to an understanding of the place of Leicester House in the politics of the early eighteenth century.

This Was the One for Me

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Christina Xydias
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
State Level ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Traditional Gender Roles ◽  
Origin Stories ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
The One ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Alternative For Germany

Next to the Alternative for Germany (AfD)’s nationalism and anti-immigrant attitudes, natalism and support for traditional gender roles are key components of the party’s far right categorization. Women are not absent from parties like the AfD, though they support them at lower rates than men and at lower rates than they support other parties. In light of women’s lower presence in far-right parties, how do women officeholders in the AfD explain their party affiliation, and how do their explanations differ from men’s? An answer is discernible at the nexus between AfD officeholders’ publicly available political backgrounds and the accounts that they offer for joining the party, termed “origin stories.” Empirically, this article uses an original dataset of political biographical details for all the AfD’s state and federal legislators elected between 2013 and late 2019. This dataset shows that AfD women at the state level are less likely than their men counterparts to have been affiliated with a political party, and they are less likely to have been politically active, prior to their participation in the AfD. Regardless of the facts of their backgrounds, however, women more than men explain their support of the AfD as a choice to enter into politics, and men more than women explain their support of the AfD as a choice to leave another party. The article argues that these gendered origin stories can be contextualized within the party’s masculinist, natalist, and nationalist values.

Unequal at the Starting Line: The Intergenerational Persistence of Political Inequality

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kay Lehman Schlozman ◽  
Sidney Verba ◽  
Henry E. Brady
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Educational Attainment ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Account Information ◽  
Political Voice ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Parents Education

This chapter takes into account information about parents' education and political involvement and about the home political environment, which adds another dimension to the persistence of inequalities of political voice. These processes, in short, work across generations. Those who had well-educated parents are, for two reasons, more likely to be politically active as adults. For one thing, they are more likely to have grown up in politically stimulating homes with parents who were politically active and an environment of frequent political discussion. More important but less often noticed, because educational attainment is likely to be handed on across generations, those whose parents were well educated are more likely to become well educated themselves, with consequences for the acquisition of many other factors that encourage political participation.

Bundling Credit and Insurance

2018 ◽  
pp. 125-132
Author(s):  
Dean Karlan ◽  
Jacob Appel
Keyword(s):  
Health Insurance ◽  
Financial Performance ◽  
Insurance Policy ◽  
Research Setting ◽  
Partner Organization ◽  
Mandatory Health Insurance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Way

This chapter assesses a study conducted with SKS Microfinance and insurer ICICI-Lombard where the researchers added a mandatory health insurance policy to SKS microloans to test the theory that bundling policies with other products creates a viable pool of clients for insurers. SKS's bundling of insurance with microloans proved so problematic that, at the end of the day, there were not enough insured clients for researchers to study the impact of getting insurance on health experience or financial performance. The obvious failure here is low participation after randomization. The deeper question is why low participation became an issue. This points to two contributing failures. First, there was a partner organization burden around learning new skills. The second contributing failure can be traced all the way back to the project's inception. Before the study began, SKS had never bundled insurance with its loans. In terms of research setting, they were dealing with an immature product.

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