Leo Vindevogel. De politicus en de mythe van zijn proces

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

Leo Vindevogel, een lokaal katholiek politicus met uiterst rechtse sympathieën, toonde zich onder de bezetting een ijverig propagandist van de Duitse zaak. Hij werd in januari 1941 benoemd tot burgemeester van Ronse, een stad die sinds 1943 betrokken werd in de beginnende burgeroorlog tussen nazi’s en communisten vooral. Bij de bevrijding in september 1944 meldde hij zich bij de rijkswacht en hij werd nog tijdens de oorlog berecht door de krijgsraad en het krijgshof. Wegens flagrant landverraad, maar ook wegens de betwistbare beschuldiging van verklikking werd hij ter dood veroordeeld en gefusilleerd. De familie en geestverwanten voerden sindsdien campagne tegen die ‘gerechtelijke moord’, op basis van onware voorstellingen die zijn advocaat had verspreid om genade te bekomen.________Leo Vindevogel. The politician and the myth of his trialLeo Vindevogel, a local Catholic politician with far-right sympathies turned out to be a very active propagandist of the German case during the occupation. In January 1941 he was appointed mayor of Ronse, a city that from 1943 on was involved in particular in the beginning civil war between the nazi’s and the communists. At the time of the liberation in September 1944, he gave himself up to the state police. He was tried by court-martial and by the military high court during wartime. He was condemned to death and executed by a firing squad because of blatant treason as well as the undeniable accusation of denunciation. Since then, his family and political sympathizers have been campaigning against this ‘judicial murder’ based on untrue representations, which his lawyer had disseminated in order to prevent a pardon.

2021 ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Vasily Zh. Tsvetkov ◽  

The publication of documentary materials reflects the history of the organization and conducting of the retreat of the units of Admiral A.V. Kolchak’s Eastern Front and the evacuation of civilian refugees from Omsk and other cities in Siberia in November 1919 – January 1920. The article considers the issues of the technical condition and operation of the TRANSSiberian railway and, in particular, the functioning of the rolling stock. Those aspects for the history of the Civil War in the East of Russia to this day remain poorly studied. Evidence is provided on the state of the military, refugee and civil trains, and about the situation of passengers. Consistently and with the involvement of documentary material, the stages of the preparation and implementation of evacuation measures are described, and the reasons for the failure of planned decisions are analyzed. The article presents evidence on the consequences of full-scale disaster with the railway accident that became part of the Civil War history in Siberia. The materials from the State Archives of the Russian Federation that have not been widely used in scientific research and have not been published yet, as well as some previously published documentary evidence, were used. The study of that aspect of the Civil War history in Siberia allows to get an idea of not only the military, but also of the political importance that the TRANS-Siberian railway played in the absence of developed transport communications in the East of Russia.


Author(s):  
Ryan W. Keating

This chapter traces Irish immigration to Connecticut and the formation of the Ninth Connecticut Volunteer Infantry. Despite nativist challenges in the decade before the Civil War, Irish immigrants nevertheless secured their place in many of Connecticut’s cities, playing important roles in the state’s growing industrial centers. When war broke out, Irish leaders in the state pushed for the organization of an Irish regiment and, in doing so, drew connections between the Connecticut Irish and the military prowess of regiments such as the 69th New York and the 23rd Illinois. The outspoken patriotism of Connecticut’s Irish as well as the national acclaim earned by these other regiments did little to curb lingering questions surrounding Irish loyalty. As the men of the Ninth Connecticut marched to war in the winter of 1862 they struggled to dispel accusations of disorderly conduct that appeared in the press and only through sacrifice on the battlefield were they finally able to earn acceptance at home.


2019 ◽  
pp. 458-466
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

The article draws on archival materials of the State Archive of the Kirov Region and those of the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region to examine the development of uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) in the Vyatka gubernia in late 1918 and the first half of 1919. In late 1918 the Vyatka gubernia became the Civil War battleground. When Perm was taken, the White Guard began to threaten Vyatka. Meanwhile, the political situation in the gubernia was tense; peasants, townspeople, and workers had their grievances against the Bolshevik policies. The existing uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) were unprepared to work in the immediate battle area. Fearing for the fate of the Eastern front, the Central Committee of the party sent a commission to Vyatka headed by Stalin and Dzerzhinsky. It was to carry out a wide range of measures to reorganize party and Soviet work. The power was taken by the Military Revolutionary Committee. The novelty of the study is in the fact that archival materials are used to assess the circumstances of the ARCP (B) organizations. These circumstances can be defined as those of a permanent crisis; the party organizations were ill-adapted to the extraordinary conditions of the Civil War. The narrowing of the party’s social base caused, first of all, by food policies forced the gubernia committee to cleanse party organizations and staff them up with well trusted personnel. The author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown facts. The analysis of archival material allows to conclude that party work lapsed because party organizations seemed ineffective in the days of the anti-Soviet uprisings of summer and autumn of 1918 and while the Civil War raged. Conflicts, squabbles, intra-party struggles became an everyday occurrence. Party organizations constantly faced infiltration of persons with opposing views who sought to avoid mobilization or improve their financial situation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Lidwien Kapteijns

This chapter discusses why the campaign of clan cleansing of 1991–1992 was a key shift in the Somali civil war and remains the major break-line underlying Somali national politics today. It then lays out three principles that might help avoid simply redrawing the lines along which the civil war was fought, and concludes with recommendations for three tangible steps towards peace and reconciliation. At the heart of the mistrust and mutual rejection in Somalia today lie the actions of former leaders of the United Somali Congress and Somali National Movement, who resorted to clan-based killings and expulsions in order to cover up their past complicity with the military regime; spun false clan histories to rebrand themselves as heroic leaders of their clans; and then tried to establish authority over parts of the state and country in the name of clan.


Author(s):  
Matthew Rendle

Chapter 2 examines how the creation of a justice system, like other institution-building exercises, formed an important part of re-establishing central state authority during this period. The Bolsheviks inherited a shattered state and their weaknesses, alongside widespread opposition, exacerbated the problem initially. As political courts targeting a wide variety of counter-revolutionary crimes, staffed by party members who proactively targeted criminals, tribunals were better placed to convey the authority and objectives of the state than other courts. Law became the ‘emissary of the state’, extending the state’s reach across Russia. This chapter explores the steady expansion of tribunals, including the establishment of military tribunals, transport tribunals, and travelling sessions of tribunals, as a means of exerting state authority from the end of 1918. Gradual unification of the system followed, but the Bolsheviks had re-established the state by 1922, and this achievement, the end of the civil war, and the publication of new law codes rendered many tribunals obsolete. Law’s purpose changed in a more stable Soviet Union, moving from revolutionary consciousness to revolutionary legality, although this chapter finishes by exploring the legacy of exceptional forms of justice and its continuance in the military and in the form of show trials.


2015 ◽  
Vol 61 (7) ◽  
pp. 1432-1455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Curtis Bell ◽  
Jun Koga Sudduth

Though approximately one in four coup attempts takes place during an ongoing civil war, scholars have not yet analyzed how the incidence of civil war affects coup attempts and outcomes. We conduct the first empirical analysis of the relationship between ongoing civil war and coup activity, finding (1) war increases the risk of a coup attempt, though (2) war-time coup attempts are significantly less likely to be successful, and (3) the risk of war-time coup is much higher when states face stronger rebel groups that pose greater threats to the political survival of the incumbent government. We attribute these findings to the pernicious effect of ongoing war on the welfare of the military elites and soldiers who have the greatest capacity to execute a coup attempt. As war diminishes their welfare and creates uncertainty about the future of the state, potential plotters become more willing to accept riskier coup attempts than they might plot during peace-time. Coup motivations are greatest when incumbents are more likely to lose their wars, and this causes coup plotters to attempt more and riskier coups when rebels are relatively strong.


2020 ◽  
pp. 423-438
Author(s):  
I. Yu. Uskov ◽  
A. E. Pyanov

The article is devoted to the characterization and dynamics of the development of the partisan movement during the Civil War in the territory of modern Kemerovo Region in 1918-1919. The issues of the activity of individual partisan detachments in the territory of Kuzbass are considered. Attention is paid to the specifics of the partisan movement in this territory. Based on the analysis of archival data and local media materials, the military operations of partisan detachments are described. The question is raised of the partisan movement role in the victory of the Reds. The novelty of the study is in the fact that for the first time on the basis of processing a wide range of sources the state and dynamics of the partisan movement in Kuzbass during the years of the Civil War are presented. The features of the partisan movement in the region are demonstrated. The reasons for the entry of peasants into the ranks of partisans are revealed. The relevance of the study is due to its scientific and social significance. The first is determined by the fact that this kind of research, based on an analysis of a wide range of sources, is considered for the first time. The second is related to the need to rethink the features of the course of the civil war in the regions of the country and to attract the attention of scientists and society to the problems of a split in society during the crisis years.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-531
Author(s):  
Spyridon Tsoutsoumpis

Abstract The article unravels the ties between conservatism, the state, and the far right in Greece. It explores the complex social and political reasons which facilitated the emergence of far-right groups in Greece during the civil war and have allowed them to survive for seven decades and to flourish from time to time. The author pays particular attention to paramilitarism as a distinct component of the Greek far right. He follows the activities of ‘Golden Dawn’ and other far-right groups, in particular their paramilitary branches. To the wider public, among the most shocking aspects of the rise of ‘Golden Dawn’ was the use of violence by its paramilitary branch, tagmata efodou. The article examines the far right’s relationship to the state and the security services, and explores its overall role in Greek politics and society. He demonstrates how an understanding of the decades following the civil war are indispensable to making sense of recent developments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 264-273
Author(s):  
Natalya Zherlitsina

Аbstract. The article examines the period of rule of Yusuf Pasha, Governor of Tripoli, a province of the Ottoman Empire. During the thirty-seven years of his rule, the Pasha seemed to have taken the right steps, consistent with his era and the state of the country, aimed at strengthening the sovereignty, centralizing power and strengthening the military potential of Tripoli. However, it was his rule that led to a crisis in the 1830s, culminating in the restoration of direct rule by the Ottoman Empire. The contradictory results of Yusuf Pasha’s rule are related both to the rivalry within the dynasty itself, which led to two stages of civil war, and to increased international intervention in the internal situation in Tripoli.


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