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Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kislitsyn

The article highlights the political biography of the Don Bolshevik, the Bolshevik figure of the second plan A.A. Frenkel, who played a significant role during the civil war on the Don. Special attention is paid to Fren-kel's activities as part of the tragic expedition of F.G. Podtelkov, his work as a secretary of the Donburo of the RCP(b) - a special Bolshevik body for organizing underground work in the rear of Denikin's troops. Attention is drawn to the mediating influence of the extraordinary nature of the struggle of the Donburo of the RCP(b) with the Denikin regime on the implementation of an extremist policy of terrorist storytelling in fundamentally new conditions after the liberation of the region from the white troops. An attempt to explain his rejection of the cruel anti-Cossack policy and the subsequent conflict with the majority of the Donburo is made. His party work after the Civil War is covered. Contributing to the strengthening of the Stalinist-Bolshevik regime, Fren-kel became its zealot and immanent victim during the period of personnel repression of the 1930s. Frenkel, as a typical Bolshevik leader at the regional level, reflected in his biography the characteristic features of Bolshevism as a unique phenomenon.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Elizabeth J. Perry

Abstract Among the most distinctive features of Chinese Communist Party governance is the frequent deployment of work teams to conduct campaigns, implement policies and troubleshoot crises. An underappreciated aspect of work-team operations from Land Reform to the present has been the active participation of educated intellectuals as key intermediaries between central leaders and grassroots society. Serving in effect as “missionaries” of the Party, intellectual work-team members function as trained “ritual specialists” in carrying out their appointed mission. Although work teams are often not the most efficient or effective means of governance, the impact of work-team experience on team members themselves is consequential. Employing quasi-religious practices designed to promote the ideological incorporation of intellectuals, work teams have helped to forestall the emergence in China of an alienated class of dissidents like those whose criticisms eroded the legitimacy of Communist regimes elsewhere in the world.


Author(s):  
Оlexander Kuzniak

The purpose of the work is to confirm the key PR-technologies in party Internet communications and also to analyze the specifics of their usage as the variety of social-communicative technologies (SCT). The methodology of the research is based on the applying social-communicative and structural-functional approaches and also on general principles of scientific, objective, unity of logical and historical approaches during the research of social structure, political institutions, and processes. The scientific novelty consists in reasoning thesis as for the influence of “noo-politics” on definition essential characteristics of PRtechnologies in party communication as SCT which are based on the certain plan (program) and is the organized management activities in communicative process in the measures of party work and in reasoning need informing and support bilateral party communication based on interactive PR-practices in Internet space. Conclusions. The conducted analysis of PR-technologies which is used in party communication in the global Net confirms the significant dynamics of functional changes on the Internet from Web 1.0 till Web 2.0. from the creation of personal sites of politicians and political powers, Internet agencies, open Internet debates technologies, and media “information sponsorship” when on the first place comes blogging and social nets (Facebook, Twitter) begin actively use which stimulate the development of horizontal measures of party interactive communication. Key words: applied social-communicative technologies; Internet; PR-technologies; political parties; party communication; social Nets, blogging.


2021 ◽  
pp. 156-176
Author(s):  
Dong Guoqiang ◽  
Andrew G. Walder

This chapter illustrates how the local standoff was broken in the last three months of 1974. At a central party work conference in mid-October, Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao, ranking central leaders associated with the radical group that had supported Mao Zedong in launching the Cultural Revolution, harshly criticized the crackdown against May 16 elements in Jiangsu Province. This was part of their drive to push military officers out of revolutionary committees in the wake of Lin Biao's purge. It was also due to their perception that the crackdowns were part of a military effort to persecute genuine rebel groups who had spearheaded the mass movements that they had sponsored back in 1967. The veteran cadres who now headed Jiangsu immediately relayed these instructions to party committees across the province, because it helped them push out lingering army control over civilian administration. In December of 1974, Shao Wen was transferred far away from Feng County. However, the new county leaders seemed indifferent to Paolian's grievances against Liansi. This is the primary reason why, after these leaders were later attacked by Liansi at the end of 1975 and early 1976, Paolian did not actively defend them. The chapter then looks at the death of Mao and considers the final major campaign to rid leading bodies across China of individuals who had risen into positions as a result of their earlier factional activity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 482-495
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

The article draws on archival materials from the Central State Archive of the Kirov Region to analyze the activities of the Vyatka Gubernia Control Commission of the RCP (B) in 1921–23 directed against the collapse of party organizations of the gubernia. The author pursues two tasks: identifying the commission staff and determining its methods. The novelty of the research is determined by the fact that in 1921, following the introduction of the new economic policy, many party members found the abrupt change of course intolerable, which led to a crisis and collapse of entire party organizations. Recently, there have been published a lot of works on various aspects of the control commissions’ activities, but their activities directed against collapse of entire party organizations haven’t yet been investigated. The research is based on archival material and uses principle of historicism and historical institutionalism. The Vyatka Gubernia Control Commission was established in August 1921 in connection with the first general purge. Its first membership did take decisive action, having no relevant experience and busy with Soviet work. But as the situation in the party organizations deteriorated, the 19th Gubernia Party Conference (February 1922) decided to regard the commission staff most seriously. The new commission included Nikolai Agalakov, Ivan Babintsev, Gusev as its members, D. Zobnin as a candidate, and Sitnikov as an investigator. In 1922–23 the meetings of the commission repeatedly discussed the state of the party organizations and Soviet apparatus of the Kotelnich, Nolinsk, Malmyzh, Orlov, Slobodskoi, Soviet, Urzhumsk districts, and of other party organizations. The major shortcomings were identified: collapse of internal party work, failing discipline, abuse and corruption, drunkenness, squabbles, and resignations from the party. The peculiarity of this period was such that these shortcomings became widespread and threatened entire organizations. Members of the Vyatka gubCC got busy; relying on the party committees and organs of the Cheka-OGPU, they were able to stop the process of organizational disintegration by 1924. The analysis of the activities of the Vyatka gubCC has showed that it became an effective tool in overcoming the collapse of party organizations and in strengthening discipline. This happened only after the commission was staffed with experienced, disciplined, and energetic local staff. While reviewing the commission's activities, it has become apparent that the most effective methods of its work were field meetings, purges of the entire organizations, transfer of guilty party members, imposition of various party penalties (up to exclusion from the party).


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 164-175
Author(s):  
A.Yu. SARAN ◽  
◽  
M.V. SOKOLOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to study the biography of B.M. Gordon as a successful security officer in the 1920-s and 1930-s. He worked his way up the career ladder from a junior investigator to the head of regional divisions – territorial bodies of the VChK/GPU/OGPU/NKVD and the legal residency of the INO GUGB of NKVD in Germany. Having started his chekist service in the Orel province, he served in the South – Central Asia, in the North – in Arkhangelsk province,in the capital of the USSR, and in the capital of Nazi Germany – Berlin. Gordon fought with the white guards and evicted the dispossessed peasants, controlled the Soviet military and gathered information about the armies of foreign countries; he managed to work at both Soviet and party work. Finally, the energetic work and successful career led Boris Moiseyevich Gordon to his death, when in 1937, J.V. Stalin decided to destroy completely all the former operational leadership of the state security agencies, replacing it with new personnel.


REVISTA PLURI ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Arlete Assumpção Monteiro

A história do Distrito de Santo Antônio de Lisboa – formado pelas localidades de Sambaqui, Barra do Sambaqui, Cacupé e Santo Antonio de Lisboa – prende-se às políticas da metrópole portuguesa em relação às terras da América do Sul. Em 1750, D. João V, rei de Portugal, elevou à categoria de Freguesia o povoado de Nossa Senhora das Necessidades da Praia Comprida. Este capítulo tem por objetivo destacar o cotidiano do engenho de farinha de mandioca do conjunto Casarão e Engenho dos Andrade que sobrevive aos dias atuais na Ilha de Santa Catarina, apesar da urbanização e da falta de políticas públicas de preservação do patrimônio.Palavras-chave: Festa, Trabalho, Religião, Patrimônio, Engenho dos AndradeAbstractHistory related to Santo Antônio de Lisboa District - formed by Sambaqui, Barra do Sambaqui, Cacupé and Santo Antonio de Lisboa localities - is connected to Portuguese metropolis policies in relation to the lands of South America. In 1750, D. João V, king of Portugal, raised to the category of Parish the village of Nossa Senhora das Necessidades da Praia Comprida. The objective of this chapter is to highlight the daily life of the cassava flour mill at Casarão and Engenho dos Andrade complex, which survive to the present day in Santa Catarina Island, despite urbanization and the lack of public policies for the preservation of the patrimony.Keywords: Party, Work, Religion, Heritage, Engenho dos Andrade.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Armedyestu Priyonggo ◽  
Yety Rochwulaningsih ◽  
Indriyanto Indriyanto

The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During the independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period.


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