Remedying the Legacy of State Collapse

2019 ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Lidwien Kapteijns

This chapter discusses why the campaign of clan cleansing of 1991–1992 was a key shift in the Somali civil war and remains the major break-line underlying Somali national politics today. It then lays out three principles that might help avoid simply redrawing the lines along which the civil war was fought, and concludes with recommendations for three tangible steps towards peace and reconciliation. At the heart of the mistrust and mutual rejection in Somalia today lie the actions of former leaders of the United Somali Congress and Somali National Movement, who resorted to clan-based killings and expulsions in order to cover up their past complicity with the military regime; spun false clan histories to rebrand themselves as heroic leaders of their clans; and then tried to establish authority over parts of the state and country in the name of clan.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya

This paper is a comparison of democracy structure between two Southeast Asian Nations, Indonesia and Myanmar during their early periods of Post-Praetorianism era where the state was controlled and dominated by the military. This paper found that In Indonesia, democratization after reformasi era in 1998 had successfully changed the structure of power, where the military determination in politics had been decline significantly, despite the military still hold the power to influence political and economic affairs. In Myanmar, the democratization was a result of long term transition previously planned by the military regime, so even in 2010 democratic election, the military still hold the control over the politics and tend to preserve their power within the new face of democratic system.     


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Adil Khan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Abdul Waheed

Pakistan, since its inception, has passed through several phases of transitions to civilian rule and authoritarian reversals. Similar to the pattern of transition between civilian rule and dictatorship, there is a pattern of change within authoritarian Regimes that could be observed in all the three experiences of transition in Pakistan. This paper identifies the pattern of change from military dictatorship to civilian rule from 1958 to 1970. The key questions addressed in this paper are: firstly, how the military regime consolidated its grip on power after the October 1958 coup? Secondly, how early cracks appeared in the military's control over power and matured with the passage of time, resulting in a national crisis? Thirdly, how failure in crises management led to the transition to civilian rule, as well as, the disintegration of the state.


2021 ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Vasily Zh. Tsvetkov ◽  

The publication of documentary materials reflects the history of the organization and conducting of the retreat of the units of Admiral A.V. Kolchak’s Eastern Front and the evacuation of civilian refugees from Omsk and other cities in Siberia in November 1919 – January 1920. The article considers the issues of the technical condition and operation of the TRANSSiberian railway and, in particular, the functioning of the rolling stock. Those aspects for the history of the Civil War in the East of Russia to this day remain poorly studied. Evidence is provided on the state of the military, refugee and civil trains, and about the situation of passengers. Consistently and with the involvement of documentary material, the stages of the preparation and implementation of evacuation measures are described, and the reasons for the failure of planned decisions are analyzed. The article presents evidence on the consequences of full-scale disaster with the railway accident that became part of the Civil War history in Siberia. The materials from the State Archives of the Russian Federation that have not been widely used in scientific research and have not been published yet, as well as some previously published documentary evidence, were used. The study of that aspect of the Civil War history in Siberia allows to get an idea of not only the military, but also of the political importance that the TRANS-Siberian railway played in the absence of developed transport communications in the East of Russia.


Author(s):  
Ryan W. Keating

This chapter traces Irish immigration to Connecticut and the formation of the Ninth Connecticut Volunteer Infantry. Despite nativist challenges in the decade before the Civil War, Irish immigrants nevertheless secured their place in many of Connecticut’s cities, playing important roles in the state’s growing industrial centers. When war broke out, Irish leaders in the state pushed for the organization of an Irish regiment and, in doing so, drew connections between the Connecticut Irish and the military prowess of regiments such as the 69th New York and the 23rd Illinois. The outspoken patriotism of Connecticut’s Irish as well as the national acclaim earned by these other regiments did little to curb lingering questions surrounding Irish loyalty. As the men of the Ninth Connecticut marched to war in the winter of 1862 they struggled to dispel accusations of disorderly conduct that appeared in the press and only through sacrifice on the battlefield were they finally able to earn acceptance at home.


2019 ◽  
pp. 458-466
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

The article draws on archival materials of the State Archive of the Kirov Region and those of the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region to examine the development of uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) in the Vyatka gubernia in late 1918 and the first half of 1919. In late 1918 the Vyatka gubernia became the Civil War battleground. When Perm was taken, the White Guard began to threaten Vyatka. Meanwhile, the political situation in the gubernia was tense; peasants, townspeople, and workers had their grievances against the Bolshevik policies. The existing uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) were unprepared to work in the immediate battle area. Fearing for the fate of the Eastern front, the Central Committee of the party sent a commission to Vyatka headed by Stalin and Dzerzhinsky. It was to carry out a wide range of measures to reorganize party and Soviet work. The power was taken by the Military Revolutionary Committee. The novelty of the study is in the fact that archival materials are used to assess the circumstances of the ARCP (B) organizations. These circumstances can be defined as those of a permanent crisis; the party organizations were ill-adapted to the extraordinary conditions of the Civil War. The narrowing of the party’s social base caused, first of all, by food policies forced the gubernia committee to cleanse party organizations and staff them up with well trusted personnel. The author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown facts. The analysis of archival material allows to conclude that party work lapsed because party organizations seemed ineffective in the days of the anti-Soviet uprisings of summer and autumn of 1918 and while the Civil War raged. Conflicts, squabbles, intra-party struggles became an everyday occurrence. Party organizations constantly faced infiltration of persons with opposing views who sought to avoid mobilization or improve their financial situation.


Author(s):  
Marcos Napolitano

Since its establishment in 1889, the history of the Brazilian republic was marked by the centrality of the armed forces, particularly the army, in political life. But between 1964 and 1985, the military was in direct command of the state, imposing indirectly elected generals as president. After overthrowing the reformist center-left government of João Goulart on March 31, 1964, the military installed a tutelary authoritarian regime to control civil society and the political system, serving as a political model for similar regimes in Latin America during the Cold War. The military passed arbitrary laws and severely repressed left-wing political groups and social movements while also seeking to accelerate capitalist development and the “national integration” of Brazil’s vast territory. They intended to modernize Brazilian industry and carry out bold infrastructure projects. On the other hand, they faced strong opposition from civil society, led by political groups, artists, intellectuals, and press outlets of diverse ideological backgrounds (Marxists, liberals, socialists, and progressive Catholics). These groups were divided between total refusal to negotiate with the military and critical adherence to the policies of the generals’ governments, composing a complex relationship between society and the state. Understanding the role of the military regime in Brazilian history requires a combination of historical research and historiographic criticism in light of the disputes over memory that continue to divide social and political actors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (311) ◽  
pp. 739
Author(s):  
Egberto Pereira dos Reis ◽  
José Carlos Rothen

O presente artigo tem como objetivo descrever como os intelectuais da libertação atuaram entre os anos de 1972 a 1986, descritos na Revista Eclesiástica Brasileira. Na Revista foi detectada a forma como estes intelectuais atuaram frente ao aparelho do Estado, especialmente no regime militar e com relação à Igreja “oficial”. Foi feita a chamada análise Bibliométrica com a finalidade de mensurar a revista, para levantar dados referentes à atuação de alguns autores no período mencionado. Foram levantados os seguintes itens: ano, mês, artigos/comunicação, título do artigo, formação acadêmica, vínculo institucional, titulação e categorização.Abstract: The present article aims to describe how the liberation intellectuals acted between the years 1972 to 1986, described in the Brazilian Ecclesiastical Magazine. In the magazine was detected how these intellectuals acted in front of the state apparatus, especially in the military regime and in relation to the “official” church. The so called Bibliometric analysis was done with the purpose of measuring the journal, in order to gather data referring to the performance of some authors in the aforementioned period. The following items were raised: Year, Month, Articles/Communication, Title of the article, Academic formation, Institutional Link, Titling and Categorization.Keywords: Intellectuals; REB Magazine; Catholic Church; Release.


Author(s):  
Matthew Rendle

Chapter 2 examines how the creation of a justice system, like other institution-building exercises, formed an important part of re-establishing central state authority during this period. The Bolsheviks inherited a shattered state and their weaknesses, alongside widespread opposition, exacerbated the problem initially. As political courts targeting a wide variety of counter-revolutionary crimes, staffed by party members who proactively targeted criminals, tribunals were better placed to convey the authority and objectives of the state than other courts. Law became the ‘emissary of the state’, extending the state’s reach across Russia. This chapter explores the steady expansion of tribunals, including the establishment of military tribunals, transport tribunals, and travelling sessions of tribunals, as a means of exerting state authority from the end of 1918. Gradual unification of the system followed, but the Bolsheviks had re-established the state by 1922, and this achievement, the end of the civil war, and the publication of new law codes rendered many tribunals obsolete. Law’s purpose changed in a more stable Soviet Union, moving from revolutionary consciousness to revolutionary legality, although this chapter finishes by exploring the legacy of exceptional forms of justice and its continuance in the military and in the form of show trials.


2015 ◽  
Vol 61 (7) ◽  
pp. 1432-1455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Curtis Bell ◽  
Jun Koga Sudduth

Though approximately one in four coup attempts takes place during an ongoing civil war, scholars have not yet analyzed how the incidence of civil war affects coup attempts and outcomes. We conduct the first empirical analysis of the relationship between ongoing civil war and coup activity, finding (1) war increases the risk of a coup attempt, though (2) war-time coup attempts are significantly less likely to be successful, and (3) the risk of war-time coup is much higher when states face stronger rebel groups that pose greater threats to the political survival of the incumbent government. We attribute these findings to the pernicious effect of ongoing war on the welfare of the military elites and soldiers who have the greatest capacity to execute a coup attempt. As war diminishes their welfare and creates uncertainty about the future of the state, potential plotters become more willing to accept riskier coup attempts than they might plot during peace-time. Coup motivations are greatest when incumbents are more likely to lose their wars, and this causes coup plotters to attempt more and riskier coups when rebels are relatively strong.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document