scholarly journals Burgemeesters en activisme tijdens en na Wereldoorlog I (1914-1921)

2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-257
Author(s):  
Jan Naert
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
The Body ◽  
World War ◽  
Occupied Territory ◽  
Onderzoek Naar ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

Zowel de activistische samenwerking met de Duitse bezetter tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog als de bestraffing ervan na de oorlog, kunnen op veel interesse rekenen van de Belgische historici. De historiografie hieromtrent blijft dan ook stelselmatig aangroeien. Zo benadrukte Lode Wils recentelijk nog, verwijzend naar de vele lokale studies, dat de activisten zich ook meester probeerden te maken van het gemeentelijke niveau.Dit artikel toont aan dat de pogingen van activisten om burgemeesters uit hun rangen te laten benoemen om verschillende redenen mislukten. Hoewel de activisten niet per definitie kansloos waren, had de Duitse bezetter steevast het laatste woord. Die opteerde zo goed als altijd voor de verkozen Belgische burgemeesters en werkte met hen samen om de openbare orde en rust in het bezette land te bewaren. Na de oorlog organiseerde het Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken tussen 1918 en 1921 een zuivering van het burgermeesterkorps. Het ministerie opende een onderzoek naar activistische burgemeesters en zij die van activistische sympathiën verdacht werden. Een analyse van die onderzoeken toont enerzijds aan dat het aantal burgemeesters dat beschuldigd werd van activisme zeer klein was. Anderzijds wordt duidelijk dat de studie naar de houding van burgemeesters ten aanzien van de Duitse bezetter weinig gebaat is bij een dichotoom denkkader van collaboratie en verzet.________Mayors and activism during and after World War I (1914-1921)Both the activist collaboration with the German occupiers during the First World War as well as its punishment after the war are of great interest to Belgian historians. Therefore the historiography on this subject continues to increase systematically. Lode Wils for instance recently emphasised in reference to the many local studies that the activists also tried to gain control at the municipal level.This article demonstrates that the attempts by activists to have mayors nominated from within their ranks failed for a number of reasons. Although the activists were not necessarily non-starters, the German occupiers invariably had the last word. The latter almost always opted for the elected Belgian mayors and cooperated with them in order to maintain public order and security in the occupied territory. After the war the Ministry of Home Affairs organised a purge of the body of mayors between 1918 and 1921. The ministry opened an investigation into activists mayors and those suspected of activist sympathies. An analysis of those investigations demonstrates on the one hand that the number of mayors that was accused of activism was very small. On the other hand it becomes clear that the study into the attitude of mayors towards the German occupiers does not benefit from a dichotomous conceptual framework of collaboration and resistance.

Playing Fields and Battlefields: The Football Pitch, England and the First World War

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon Luedtke
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Psychological Needs ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Real Material ◽  
The First World War ◽  
War Effort ◽  
The Many ◽  
First World

Football during the First World War has been oft-studied in a socio-cultural context. Held as either a symbol of England's sporting approach to war or as evidence of working-class evasion of manly duty, anxiety over England's ability to win wars inspired both praise for and resentment toward the game of football. But what of the landscape on which the game itself was played? This essay demonstrates how the football pitch helped to manage the many strains brought on by World War I. On the home front, the pitch became a recruitment office, training camp, storage ground, rifle range, and livestock pasturage, in addition to hosting matches in the interest of maintaining civilian morale. At the front lines, English soldiers refashioned the mangled environment into a more familiar space by staging impromptu matches on makeshift pitches. Throughout the First World War, the football pitch satisfied many of the very real material and psychological needs of the English war effort.

scholarly journals Sources: World War I: The Definitive Encyclopedia and Document Collection

2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Matthew Laudicina
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Hundredth Anniversary ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Document Collection ◽  
The One ◽  
First World ◽  
Past Summer

This past summer marked the one hundredth anniversary of the outbreak of the First World War. It is likely not a complete coincidence that numerous publishers are taking this opportunity to publish various monographs and reference sets to coincide with this occasion. The boldly titled World War I: The Definitive Encyclopedia and Document Collection has recently come to publication and achieves the lofty proclamations of its title.

Repairing the entente cordiale And The New Diplomacy

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Cassels
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Sense Of Belonging ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The One ◽  
First World

At the close of World War I two schools of thought about the future conduct of international relations emerged into plain view. On the one hand, the traditionalists presumed that the principles and practices of pre-1914 diplomacy could and should be sustained. This implied a routine of continual competition among the sovereign nation states, the anarchy of which was mitigated only by the collective fear of hegemony by one state (the mechanism of the balance of power) and by a sense of belonging to a common civilization (the old Concert of Europe). Tacitly accepted as the final arbiter of vital questions was the instrument of war. On the other hand, the First World War had provided ample grounds for a swingeing critique of Realpolitik when practised in an age of mass armies and technological warfare.

"Ook een politieke invloed moet van onze Alma Mater uitgaan". Staatkunde en activisme bij Robert Van Genechten

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-184
Author(s):  
Matthijs De Ridder
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alma Mater ◽  
World War ◽  
International Context ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Onderzoek Naar ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Many ◽  
First World

Hoewel er geen twijfel over mogelijk is dat het activisme een weinig democratische beweging was, laat een analyse van de ‘Staatkundige kroniek’ van Robert Van Genechten zien dat het staatkundige denken van de activisten veel complexer is dan tot nut toe werd aangenomen. Opportunisme is maar een van de vele facetten van het activistische denken. Voor een beter begrip van de collaboratie tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog kan een onderzoek naar het discours van het activisme – in nationaal én internationaal verband – dan ook voor veel nuancerende inzichten zorgen.________“Our Alma Mater should also exert a political influence”. Political science and activism by Robert Van GenechtenAlthough we cannot doubt that activism was hardly a democratic movement, an analysis of the ‘Political chronicle’ by Robert Van Genechten demonstrates that the political thinking of the activists is far more complex than had so far been assumed. Opportunism is only one of the many facets of activist thinking. To gain a better understanding of the collaboration during the First World War, an investigation of the discourse of activism – both in the national and in the international context – could therefore provide much more differentiated insights.

scholarly journals Politics of relics: On the celebration of the fallen of the First World War during the interwar period in Italy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-72
Author(s):  
Daniele Pisani ◽  
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
War Memorials ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Small War ◽  
Fascist Regime ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
Second World ◽  
First World

This paper explores the way in which the fallen of the First World War were commemorated in Italy between 1918 and 1940. At the end of the war, numerous spontaneous local monuments were constructed. At the same time, the many small war cemeteries established near the former battlefield areas began to be perceived as a problem. Shortly before the Second World War, in order to bury all the exhumed bodies, the Fascist Regime constructed huge war memorials (ossari and sacrari). However, this was also a means of taking advantage of the fallen for ideological and political purposes. This paper focuses on the connection between the sacralisation of the battlefields by way of raising ossari and sacrari, on the one hand, and the spread of ‘fragments’ of these battlefields all around the country, on the other. The latter phenomenon has not yet attracted significant interest from researchers. Boulders from the battlefields began to appear in the middle of village, town, and city squares across the country. They were considered ‘sacred’ since they were where hundreds of thousands of soldiers had fallen, ensuring Italy’s victory. As the boulders themselves were imbued with the fallen’s sacred blood, they were not carved but rather displayed within the monuments in their ‘natural’ shape. They were not intended to represent anything or communicate a specific message regarding war and death; they simply had to present themselves. The stone of which they were made was their main feature: just like relics, they emanated a sacred aura. Through their physical dissemination, the whole national territory could therefore be sacralised. To take their cue from this rebirth of relics were the ossari and sacrari of the late Fascist Regime, which used them as a propaganda weapon.

Kroniek van een aangekondigd ontslag. Twee opmerkelijke brieven van Alfons Van de Perre betreffende zijn afscheid als volksvertegenwoordiger in 1919

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Will ◽  
The One ◽  
First World ◽  
Member Of Parliament

In deze bronnenpublicatie ontleedt Luc Vandeweyer de parlementaire loopbaan van de geneesheer-politicus Alfons Van de Perre: hoe hij in 1912 feitelijk  tegen wil en dank  volksvertegenwoordiger werd, zich anderzijds blijkbaar naar behoren kweet van zijn taak en tijdens de eerste verkiezingen na de Eerste Wereldoorlog (1919) zijn mandaat hernieuwd zag maar meteen daarop ontslag nam. Volgens de bekende historiografische lezing was de abdicatie van de progressieve politicus een daad van zelfverloochening die enerzijds werd ingegeven door gezondheidsmotieven en  anderzijds was geïnspireerd door de wil om de eenheid binnen de katholieke partij te herstellen. De auteur komt op basis van nieuw en onontgonnen bronnenmateriaal tot de vaststelling dat Van de Perres spontane beslissing tot ontslag in de eerste plaats een strategische keuze was: in het parlement, waar hij zich overigens niet erg in zijn schik voelde, kon hij minder invloed uitoefenen op de Vlaamse beweging dan via de talrijke engagementen waarvoor hij voortaan de handen vrij had. Eén ervan was die van bestuurder én publicist bij het dagblad De Standaard.________Chronicle of the announcement of a resignation. Two remaekable letters by Alfons Van de Perre concerning his resignation as a Member of Parliament in 1919In this source publication Luc Vandeweyer analyses the parliamentary career of the physician-politician Alfons Van de Perre and he describes how Van de Perre became a Member of Parliament in 1912 actually against the grain, yet how he apparently did a good job carrying out his duties. During the first elections after the First World War (1919) Van de Perre found that his mandate was renewed, but he handed in his resignation immediately afterwards. According to the familiar historiographical interpretation the abdication of the progressive politician was an act of self-denial, which was prompted on the one hand by health reasons and on the other hand inspired by the will to restore unity within the Catholic political party. On the basis of new and so far unexplored source material the author concludes that the spontaneous decision by Van de Perres to hand in his resignation was above all a strategic choice: in the Parliament, which he did not much enjoy anyway, he could exert less influence on the Flemish movement than via his numerous commitments, which he was now free to take on. One of these was the post of director as well as political commentator of the newspaper De Standaard.

Desertie naar de vijand in het Belgische frontleger tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Deel 2

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Causal Link ◽  
World War ◽  
Criminal Records ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World ◽  
Front Movement

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.

THE ORIGINS OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1253-1271
Author(s):  
TALBOT C. IMLAY
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Öffentliche Meinung ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

Anticipating total war: the German and American experiences, 1871–1914. By Manfred Boemeke, Roger Chickering, and Stig Förster. New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. ix+506. ISBN 0-521-62294-8. £55.00.German strategy and the path to Verdun: Erich von Falkenhayn and the development of attrition, 1870–1916. By Robert T. Foley. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Pp. xiv+316. ISBN 0-521-84193-3. £45.00.Europe's last summer: who started the Great War in 1914? By David Fromkin. New York: Knopf, 2004. Pp. xiii+368. ISBN 0-375-41156-9. £26.95.The origins of World War I. Edited by Richard F. Hamilton and Holger H. Herwig. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. xiii+552. ISBN 0-521-81735-8. £35.00.Geheime Diplomatie und öffentliche Meinung: Die Parlamente in Frankreich, Deutschland und Grossbritanien und die erste Marokkokrise, 1904–1906. By Martin Mayer. Düsseldorf: Droste, 2002. Pp. 382. ISBN 3-7700-5242-0. £44.80.Helmuth von Moltke and the origins of the First World War. By Annika Mombauer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xvi+344. ISBN 0-521-79101-4. £48.00.The origins of the First World War: controversies and consensus. By Annika Mombauer. London: Pearson Education, 2002. Pp. ix+256. ISBN 0-582-41872-0. £15.99.Inventing the Schlieffen plan: German war planning, 1871–1914. By Terence Zuber. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. xi+340. ISBN 0-19-925016-2. £52.50.As Richard Hamilton and Holger Herwig remark in the introduction to their edited collection of essays on the origins of the First World War, thousands of books (and countless articles) have been written on the subject, a veritable flood that began with the outbreak of the conflict in 1914 and continues to this day. This enduring interest is understandable: the First World War was, in George Kennan’s still apt phrase, the ‘great seminal catastrophe’ of the twentieth century. Marking the end of the long nineteenth century and the beginning of the short twentieth century, the war amounted to an earthquake whose seismic shocks and after-shocks resonated decades afterwards both inside and outside of the belligerent countries. The Bolshevik Revolution, the growth of fascist and Nazi movements, the accelerated emergence of the United States as a leading great power, the economic depression of the 1930s – these and other developments all have their roots in the tempest of war during 1914–18. Given the momentous nature of the conflict, it is little wonder that scholars continue to investigate – and to argue about – its origins. At the same time, as Hamilton and Herwig suggest, the sheer number of existing studies places the onus on scholars themselves to justify their decision to add to this historiographical mountain. This being so, in assessing the need for a new work on the origins of the war, one might usefully ask whether it fulfills one of several functions.

Life conditions of Turkish prisoners on nargin island during the first world war

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (08) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Джамиля Яшар гызы Рустамова ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Caspian Sea ◽  
First World War ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity

THE BRITISH MANDATE AND THE UPRISING OF 1920 IN IRAQ

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (73) (1) ◽  
pp. 140-153
Author(s):  
S. S. Shchevelev
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Initial Period ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

The article examines the initial period of the mandate administration of Iraq by Great Britain, the anti-British uprising of 1920. The chronological framework covers the period from May 1916 to October 1921 and includes an analysis of events in the Middle East from May 1916, when the secret agreement on the division of the territories of the Ottoman Empire after the end of World War I (the Sykes-Picot agreement) was concluded before the proclamation of Faisal as king of Iraq and from the formation of the country՚s government. This period is a key one in the Iraqi-British relations at the turn of the 10-20s of the ХХ century. The author focuses on the Anglo-French negotiations during the First World War, on the eve and during the Paris Peace Conference on the division of the territory of the Ottoman Empire and the ownership of the territories in the Arab zone. During these negotiations, it was decided to transfer the mandates for Syria (with Lebanon) to the France, and Palestine and Mesopotamia (Iraq) to Great Britain. The British in Iraq immediately faced strong opposition from both Sunnis and Shiites, resulting in an anti-English uprising in 1920. The author describes the causes, course and consequences of this uprising.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document