The Kingdom of Eunuchs under the ‘Abbasids

Author(s):  
Taef El-Azhari

This chapter analyse the status of eunuchs in Islam, compared to other civilizations. One monitor the different types of eunuchs and their evolution from serving in the harem section under early Abbasids to become intrusted with intelligence, insignia among other vital posts. The significant period of caliph al-Amin d. 813, where one see his love affairs with eunuchs and public perception to such behaviour. One do examine how third gendered eunuchs became army commanders, dominating the political affairs of the empire in early 10th cntury. That is in full collaboration with royal mothers, concubines, among other courtiers. How legendary Mu’nis al-Khadim reinstated a caliph, and toppled another for his own interests, although he has no biological future. Such domination by eunuchs, made them occupy almost all top positions in the state. The result, was the declaration of the first sole eunuch as a governor of a Muslim state in 966; Kafur of Egypt. That took place with some resentment from some intellectuals, but chroniclers did not report much dismay to the phenomena.

Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.


Author(s):  
Ragini Mishra ◽  
Navin Mishra

Aims: The present study was done to identify the epidemiology of the disease outbreak in Bihar in 2017 and suggest remedial measures for the prevention of possible future outbreaks of Chikungunya. Study Design:  Daily reports on Chikungunya were collected in prescribed format from the District Surveillance Unit, Integrated Disease Surveillance Programme (IDSP) that included case details from Govt. Medical Colleges and various Private Hospitals in the State. Place and Duration of Study: Index case of Chikungunya was reported in Bihar, India on 15 Feb 2017. After that, few scattered cases were reported till 23 Aug 2017. Cases started increasing from 24 Aug 2017 onwards. From 15 Feb till 31 Dec 2017, total 1223 cases were reported from 32 districts in Bihar. Methodology: The cases were analysed concerning time, place and person. Daily reporting on the health conditions of the cases and the status of the control measures like fogging and larvicidal spray in the affected area was monitored at the State level. Results: Case Fatality Rate (CFR) due to the disease was Nil in the State. The outbreak peak laid from 3-Nov to 12-Nov when 218 cases were reported. Out of 1223 cases, 100% cases were ELISA confirmed. Almost all age groups were affected, but the frequency was greater in the age group 21-30 (25%)> 31-40 (21%)>11-20 (19%). Males (61%) were more affected than females (39%). Out of the total 1223 cases, 100% of the cases were reported from Govt. institutions. State Health Department, Govt. of Bihar took many measures to limit the outbreak, and through strengthening the surveillance and response activities, transmission of the disease was curtailed in the State.     Conclusion: Patna district was most affected followed by Nalanda and Vaishali. Young adults of age group 21-30 were most affected. Males were more affected than females.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amit Vardhan

Awadh area was always the centre of power from times immemorial. This importance also had its impact on the policy towards Awadh under the British company also. The political importance was of Awadh forced the British company to keep a watch on the activities of the Nawab. For this purpose they placed a British Resident in Awadh, it was however done on the request of the Nawab. Gradually the position of Resident became an all important post in Awadh and Resident started to control almost all aspects of the administration. The expenses of the office of Resident also increased gradually from about 12000 annually to later partial share in the revenue of Awadh even the Nawab had to surrender few portion of the state to meet the expenses of the office of the Resident. Further to free the company’s regular troops for service elsewhere in India, the company also organized the forces at the ruler’s expense. Later the resident even played the role of appointing the Nawab even overlooking the legal heir for the throne. This weakened the position of Nawab to a very great extent and the Nawab could not even carry out any changes other then the direction given by the Resident. The company despite having control over almost all sections of governance disposed the Nawab on the charges of misgovernance in 1856 ending the rule of Nawab in Awadh. So the system of placing the Resident started with the purpose if liaisoning gradually took indirect control over the administration and later took the direct control over the State.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER V. TSYURUMOV ◽  
◽  
ANDREY A. KURAPOV ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of one of the most important problems of modern historical science - the history of the formation of the Russian multinational state. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of the state and political statuses of the national autonomies of Russia - the Kalmyk Khanate and the Hetman's Ukraine. The statehood of the Kalmyk nomads arose after their entry into the Russian state in the first half of the 17th century. It is shown that the nature of the Russian-Kalmyk relations during this period makes it possible to define them as a protectorate of Russia over the Kalmyk uluses. The article examines the formation of the Russian-Kalmyk interaction, the evolution of the status, territorial framework and geopolitical position of the Kalmyk Khanate. At the beginning of the second quarter of the 18th century. After the Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz migrated to Emba, the Kalmyk lands partially lost their border status and began to increasingly resemble the inner territory of the Russian Empire. A gradual transformation of political autonomy into administrative one begins. The article describes the main features of the autonomy of the Kalmyk Khanate in the period of the 17th - early 18th centuries: the preservation of the traditional administrative structure, the concentration of administrative, judicial, legislative and fiscal power in the hands of the secular elite, the inheritance of the supreme power in the Torgout dynasty. The paper determines that the new geopolitical status of the Kalmyk Khanate after the second quarter of the 17th century also changed the state policy in relation to it - the system of government of the khanate was unified, political independence was eliminated, the khanate was being integrated into the general imperial administrative and political system. The restrictive policy of Russia in relation to the Kalmyk Khanate, the government's interference in the hereditary question contributed to the beginning of the political fragmentation of the Khanate in the second half of the 20s - the first half of the 30s of the 18th century, political crises of the second half of the 18th century, and the crisis of 1771. The material presented in the article makes it possible to highlight general patterns in the political status of the Kalmyk Khanate and Ukraine in the 17-18th centuries.


2008 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samer Alatout

Three elements dominated scholarship on Israeli water politics and policymaking in the 1950s: (1) the state is often taken to be a fully established actor since its inception in 1948; (2) Israeli water policymaking was dominated by geopolitical and regional concerns over security and access to shared water resources; (3) water was, and continues to be, a scarce resource. This article argues that these elements result in the depoliticization of Israeli water policies and offers three counterarguments. First, the totality of any state is an ever-illusive construct. Second, Israeli water politics had an internal dimension that has to be investigated in its own right. Third, scarcity did not acquire the status of a "fact" until the mid-1950s. In fact, the struggle over the notions of water abundance and scarcity was an essential part of working through the political conflicts over the meaning of Jewish subjectivity, the boundaries of the state, and its right to intervene in civil society.


2019 ◽  
pp. 77-86
Author(s):  
Sergei V. Pakhomov ◽  

The concept of jīvanmukti, “liberation during life”, arose in Advaita Vedānta as a response to the paradigm of “disembodied” liberation (videhamukti). The condition of jīvanmukti is highly appreciated in Tantrism. The concept of jīvanmukti often includes the meanings of identification with the absolute, the supreme deity. There are different kinds of jīvanmukti, for example, active and passive ones. The state of jīvanmukti is the complete independence, highest ideal, spiritual perfection. Jīvanmukta considers the entire objective world to be a reflection of the higher Self. The status of jīvanmukta can have an ideological dimension when it is opposed to traditions that are considered ineffective in Tantra. The acquisition of jīvanmukti is primarily due to spiritual knowledge. On the one hand, knowledge is a certain state of the carrier of knowledge himself; on the other hand, it is always knowledge of “something”. Although jīvanmukti can be reached through almost all tantric practices, there is a certain gradation of the time spent on it. The man reaches liberation during life not in isolation from the world. Outwardly, jīvanmukta cannot stand out among ordinary members of society; all his uniqueness is hidden inside his consciousness.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Piotr Bukowczyk

Religious policy in the thought of the Austrian Christian Social Party 1918−1934In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party Christlichsoziale Partei, active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
Sohail Akhtar ◽  
Abdul Razaq

Allah Almighty sent Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH) as the last Prophet for the guidance of humanity. But sent Him as a model for human being in all discipline of life. The life of the prophet was a real example for the entire mankind in the all discipline of life. Whether he is a teacher or as a commander, as a ruler or as a head of the family, as a preacher or as a judge, no one seems second to you. In the same way, like other matters, he also gave guidance in political matters. For the first time in human history, truth was made a part of politics. The Prophet (peace be upon him) is the only person in history whose every action has been considered as the source of growth and guidance for humanity. Not only is there an example for people in every aspect of the Prophet's life, but the secret of success lies in following him. Like other aspects of life, where the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) has the status of a king and a general and a conqueror, he is the founder of an Islamic state. As the ruler of the state of Madinah, the Prophet (Peace Be Upon Him) used all the political strategies necessary for the management and administration of the state. This research paper highlights the political tactics and strategy of the Prophet (peace be upon him) as world best politician.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benson Ohihon Igboin

The debate on the status of the Nigerian state has been controversial, but it portends more towards a failing state, because it has low to very low levels of state capacity. Most state institutions do not have the capacity to inspire socio-economic confidence in the citizenry. Coupled with prevailing insecurity and the inability of the state to address it, many people find an alternative source of hope and confidence within Christianity, and particularly an African Pentecostal state-like formation that makes its leadership a multinational and cross-regional political leadership of a sort. While the political leadership of the failing state would be examined as the main cause for thriving Pentecostalism, there remains the question of accountability on both sides of the spectrum; especially as both concern the same citizenship, whom I will argue are cheated both ways, and yet somehow hold ambivalent attitudes towards accountability. Since there is little attention devoted to demand for accountability at both state and alternative state levels, this paper will do a contrastive analysis of both leaderships and show that the issue of accountability remains unresolved at both ends.


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