Youth and the State

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Incorporation ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Building Process ◽  
The Status ◽  
Collective Goals ◽  
Do So

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.

Soviet Atheism and Its Aftermath

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonja Luehrmann
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Engagement ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Practices ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
World War ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
The Church

If Soviet atheism is a variety of secularism, it more resembles eliminationist movements viewing religions as obstacles to the political integration of citizens into the state. Before World War II, the Bolshevik government issued decrees to disentangle the state from the church. Later, Khrushchev emphasized atheism and closed churches as part of a general populist, mobilizational approach to promoting communist values. By the 1970s, religious practices were not precluded but were assigned a marginal space outside of public engagement. The post-Soviet era has seen self-reported religiosity increase, while self-reported atheism has diminished, although remaining significant. Russia’s 1997 law on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations requires a denomination to exist in a region for fifteen years to enjoy the full legal and tax status. Today, Russia differentiates between “good” religions that help to promote particular moral visions and “bad” religions that create social strife, promote violence, and endanger public health.

The State and the Jews: Reflections on Difficult Freedom

2006 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Annette Aronowicz
Keyword(s):  
Jewish People ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Second World ◽  
Do So

AbstractThis essay examines the contrast between two conceptions of the universal, one represented by the modern State and the other by the Jewish people. In order to do so, it returns to the collection of essays on Judaism Levinas wrote in the approximately two decades after the Second World War, Difficult Freedom. Its aim is to focus specifically on the political dimension within this collection and then to step back and reflect on how his way of speaking of the political appears to us a full generation later. As is well known, Levinas's approach to the political has a way of escaping that realm, while nonetheless remaining relevant to it. This is what we shall try to capture and to evaluate.

When Croatia Needed Serbs: Nationalism and Genocide in Sarajevo, 1941-1942

Slavic Review ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Greble Balić
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
State Policies ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Identity ◽  
World War ◽  
Independent State

While a central policy of the Independent State of Croatia during World War II called for the removal of “Serbs,” the majority of people who identified themselves (or were identified by the regime) as Serbs in Sarajevo—the second largest city in the state—remained “safe.” In order to understand why this was the case, Emily Greble Balic examines the interplay between local identity politics and state policies of genocide and nation-building. In so doing, she sheds light on such broad issues as the ambiguity of national identity at the local level; the limitations of traditional understandings of “resistance”; and the options open to members of the victim, or “foreign” group, as a result of the disjunction between national and local agendas.

The Symbolism of Subversion: Notes on Some Cold War Icons

1972 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Weinstein
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Impact ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Cold War

‘Ours is an era of “cases”,’ Diana Trilling wrote several years ago, ‘starting with the Sacco-Vanzetti case in the 1920s, proceeding through the Hiss and Oppenheimer cases to the Rosenberg case, the Chessman case, the Eichmann case, and [the subject of Mrs Trilling's essay]…culminating…in the Profumo case.’ We could add several since then, of course, and her chronology is misleading – the Rosenbergs having followed Hiss but preceded Oppenheimer – but Mrs Trilling's point, that such cases and others provoked within their society basic ‘confrontation(s) between opposing social principles’, remains valid. The Hiss, Rosenberg and Oppenheimer episodes were American society's most controversial post-World War II security cases. Each in turn dramatized the political and cultural impact of the Cold War for large numbers of Americans. They serve as useful paradigms, when examined together, for studying the process by which complex problems of evidence are reduced to compelling images of an event. Almost from the moment the ‘facts’ emerged in each case they congealed, first into partisan accounts and then into minor mythologies, in which each case became the subject-matter for a simple morality tale. Alger Hiss and Whittaker Chambers, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, Robert Oppenheimer, and the supporting caste in each drama achieved, in their own time, the status of icons in the demonologies and hagiographies of the opposing camps. Looking recently through the dreary record of trials and hearings connected with security problems during the Truman-Eisenhower era, I found certain continuities in the appraisal by intellectuals and politicians of these three otherwise singular episodes.

The country at a standstill: Yugoslavia and Slovene politics in the 1930s

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Life ◽  
Repressive Regime ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.

The Recruitment of Candidates for the Canadian House of Commons

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1242-1257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Hal H. Winsborough
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political System ◽  
Positive Relationship ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
World War ◽  
The Status ◽  
Substantial Progress ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
The Mean

Systematic empirical research into the process of political leadership recruitment has made substantial progress since World War II with emphasis given to those who occupy formal positions of authority within the political system, specifically, legislators and party activists. Generally such studies have been concerned with delineating (a) who the leaders are, (b) how and why they are where they are, and (c) the variables affecting (a) and (b).The most ambitious recent studies, in the sense that they try to deal systematically with all three aspects of recruitment, are those by Samuel J. Eldersveld, Austin Ranney, and Henry Valen. Their research, and the examples cited of other scholarship, have yielded a substantial number of propositions. Three which lend themselves to testing with data we have gathered on the recruitment of candidates for the Canadian House of Commons, 1945–65, are:1) The status of individuals recruited by a party in part is a function of the party's competitive positions. (Key, Snowiss).2) The status of individuals recruited by a party varies with the party's position on an ideological continuum (Eldersveld, Ranney, Marvick and Nixon, Valen).3) Relative urbanism and the degree of industrialization of communities affect recruitment patterns (Rokkan and Valen, Valen, Snowiss). In the present instance there should be a positive relationship between urbanism and the mean status of candidates.In testing these propositions we will compare, whenever such comparisons appear appropriate, the data for Canadian parliamentary candidates with findings from some of the previously cited studies and also indicate how, in Canada, multi-partyism is related to the status of recruited candidates.

scholarly journals Politics of memory, historical revisionism, and negationism in postsocialist Serbia

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 631-649 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Skoric ◽  
Milivoj Beslin
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scientific Theories ◽  
World War ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Historical Revisionism ◽  
The Past ◽  
New Ideas

This paper explores the phenomenon of revisionism in historiography, while focusing in particular on illegitimate revisionism and negationism. It is indisputably true that historiography must be subject to constant revisions. Like all scientific theories, it needs to be characterized by a sort of ?conservative? openness towards new ideas; however, revisions and negations are often put forward without scientific grounding. They reject the well-established historiographical methods, while opening themselves to various kinds of ideologies, biases and manipulations. The paper further offers a synthesized overview of the revisionist practice in dominant parts of the society and historiography in post-communist Serbia. The change in the ideological paradigm that occurred in the 1980s was accompanied by a politically motivated reinterpretation of the past, which primarily focused on World War II in Yugoslavia. In Serbia in the 1990s, Tito?s Partisans were no longer celebrated as national heroes and fighters against fascism; they were replaced by the royalist and nationalist Chetniks led by Draza Mihailovic, whose collaboration with the occupying forces was purposefully glossed over. The nationalist interpretation of history and the new revisionist politics in Serbia were supported by the state and the activities of its three branches: legislative, executive and judicial. In spite of the political changes that took place in Serbia in 2000, the dominant nationalist matrix in historical interpretations and revisionist politics remained unchanged.

scholarly journals The ‘Right’ Side of the Law. State of Siege and the Rise of Fascism in Interwar Romania

Fascism ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-233
Author(s):  
Cosmin Sebastian Cercel
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Politics ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World ◽  
Do So

The aim of this article is to problematize one of the most audacious tenets of the new consensus, namely the revolutionary character of fascism, by linking together the experience of the state of siege and the emergence of the fascist movement in interwar Romania. It tries to do so by drawing on the philosophical underpinnings of the paradigm of the state of exception developed by Giorgio Agamben and Walter Benjamin’s critique of law and violence. In a first part my aim is to present the main arguments espoused in defending the view according to which fascist movements were professing an authentic revolutionary radical politics. Secondly, I will turn towards legal critique and to the work of Giorgio Agamben in order to build a topography of the relation between law and the force of state. In a third part I will focus on the uses and the historical meaning of the state of siege in post-First World War Romania. This article argues that the emergence of the fascist movement in Romania is an event strongly embedded in the political, legal and symbolic dynamics entailed by the state of exception rather than the expression of a revolutionary thrust.

scholarly journals State Policy of Nation-Building in Russia: Content, Institutions and Mechanisms

REGIONOLOGY ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga V. Bakhlova ◽  
Igor V. Bakhlov
Keyword(s):  
State Policy ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Building Process ◽  
The Status ◽  
Mechanisms Of Formation ◽  
Governmental Institutions

Introduction. The relevance of the study is due to the need to effectively support the process of nation-building which implies coping with social and political tasks that are fundamental for the Russian state and the population of the country. This is the completion of the formation of the Russian nation, ensuring civil, ethno-cultural, and territorial identities, taking into account their balanced and harmonious coexistence and development, preservation and strengthening of national identity in the adverse conditions of global, regional and internal trends and challenges. The purpose of the study is to conceptualize the state policy of nation-building in modern Russia and to identify its content, institutions and mechanisms of formation and implementation by means of interpreting expert assessments and the practice of the responsible bodies in the structure of the federal government. Materials and Methods. The study is based on the materials of an expert survey on the issues of nation-building, on the data from the official websites of the relevant committees of the State Duma and the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, as well as from the System for ensuring legislative activity. The analysis of the activities of parliamentary committees was performed using institutional, comparative, and the formal legal methods. Results. The authors have proposed a variant of the conceptualization of the state policy of nation-building through creating a hierarchy of factors of nation-building, highlighting its key areas, methods and technologies, explaining the specifics of the normative consolidation, the structure and the implementation mechanisms. In terms of the inventory, codification and demonstration of the issue, the status-role characteristics of the parliamentary institutions involved in the nation-building process have been identified and emphasized. Discussion and Conclusion. The results of the study have theoretical and practical significance. The systemic idea of the essence and content of the state policy of nation-building has been formulated and substantiated. The main areas of concern, the established constants, and new vectors in the activities of the relevant committees and in the relations between the federal bodies of legislative and executive power have been revealed. The results of the study can be used to improve their work in various areas of the public policy focused on promoting nation-building, expanding and deepening the dialogue between the authorities and non-governmental institutions.

Plurilinguismo all'australiana

1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-65
Author(s):  
Camilla Bettoni
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Raw Material ◽  
The Political ◽  
Official Language ◽  
Language Policies ◽  
World War ◽  
Scientific Rigor

SUMMARY Multiculturalism the Australian Way: Between Rigorous Documentation and Passionate Defense Australia is an extraordinary country, not only because of the wealth of its linguistic raw material, but also for the scientific rigor with which it tries to document it and the political passion with which it tries to preserve it. The books here reviewed are but two recent examples of this exceptional activity. They are considered together because they complement each other: one documents the state of the art for the numerous immigrant languages, the other the official language policies that have accompanied their arrival since World War II. RESUMO Plurlingvismo aŭstralie: Inter rigora dokumentado kaj pasia defendo Aŭstralio estas nekutima lando, ne nur pro sia abundo da lingva krudmaterialo, sed ankaŭ pro la rigoreco per kiu gi provas dokumenti gin kaj pro la politika pasieco per kiu gi provas konservi gin. La recenzataj libroj estas nur du lastatempaj specimenoj el tiu escepta agado. Ili estas traktataj kune, car ili komplementas unu la alian: unu dokumentas la aktualan nivelon de scio pri la multnombraj lingvoj de enmigrintoj kaj la alia la oficialajn lingvopolitikojn, kiuj de la dua mondmilito akompanis ilian alvenadon.

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