Political Change in Egypt and the Policies of Consolidating ‌Hegemony

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Essam Abdel Shafi
Keyword(s):  
State Ownership ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
First Year ◽  
Stable Manner ◽  
The Face ◽  
Military Institution ◽  
The Military ◽  
Transitional Phase ◽  
Policies And Practices

The January 25, 2011 revolution that Egypt witnessed was the product of a political and social movement in an ancient civil society, which maintained this characteristic in a stable manner, despite successive bulldozing operations for centuries and extended decades. However, the revolution witnessed fundamental transformations, which led to a military coup in 2013. Repressive policies and practices to consolidate tyranny and authoritarianism, not only in the face of citizens, but also to establish dominance over the state's wealth and capabilities. In dealing with the January revolution, the Egyptian military adopted many policies and practices, whether in the first transitional phase supervised by the Military Council (from February 2011 to June 2012), or during the first year of President Mohamed Morsi's rule, in which he directed matters from The successor, the Military Council, or direct control after the coup of July 3, 2013, until January 2021, and the tasks, roles and functions carried out by the military institution during the ten years (under study) were divided between the policies of consolidating authoritarianism and tyranny, the legal codification of these policies, the systematic violation of rights and freedoms, and the policies of Hegemony and the total militarization of the economy to the extent of what can be called “state ownership,” and the reinforcement of the saying that Egypt is an “army with a state and not a state with an army.” In the face of these considerations, the duality of authoritarianism and the movement emerges, and the transformations and developments between them in Egypt during the ten years that passed after the January 2011 revolution. On political life in Egypt after the January revolution?

Introductory Aspects on Human Rights Violations Suffered by Indigenous Peoples during the Period of Brazilian Civil-Military Dictatorship

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luane Flores Chuquel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Deductive Method ◽  
The Face ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Military

This current work studies the human rights violations suffered by indigenous peoples during the period of the Brazilian CivilMilitary Dictatorship. Likewise, it makes some notes about the beginning of the violations in a moment before this dark period. On this path, even before the Military Coup was launched in the year 1964 (one thousand nine hundred and sixty-four), the Indians were already experiencing constant usurpations of their rights at the expense of irresponsibilities commanded most of the time, by those who should watch over their rights lives. As will be seen, the violation and disrespect for Human Rights in the face of these peoples ended up becoming common and gaining strength mainly in the beginning of the implementation of the military regime. Negligent attempts at acculturation and "emancipation", in addition to inconsequential contacts with isolated peoples, culminated in the destruction and predatory logging of their lands. Missing processes of terribly violating demarcations of indigenous areas promoted the expulsion of countless peoples, causing the Indians to fall into a life totally surrounded by hunger, begging, alcoholism and prostitution. All in the name of the so-called “economic advance”, which aimed at building roads, in what was called “occupation of the Amazon”? As frequently stated by the authorities at the time, the Amazon rainforest was seen and understood as a “population void” by the Military Government. According to this thought idealized by the disgusting dictators and supporters, it will be observed that the cases of violations of Human Rights have been systematically “legalized”. The life, land and culture of indigenous peoples were left in the background. Depending on this brief narrative developed through documentary research, based on a hypothetical-deductive method, the intention is to rescue the martyrdoms of that time, demonstrating what actually happened to indigenous peoples during the Military Regime, in the simplest attempt to remember or even disclose to those who are unaware of this part of history. All that said, don't you forget. So that it never happens again.

scholarly journals Features of Human Resources Management in the Romanian Army, in the Context of N.A.T.O. and E.U. Integration

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-224
Author(s):  
Aurelia Teodora Drăghici ◽  
Adina Eleonora Spînu
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources Management ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Resources Management ◽  
The Social ◽  
Military Institution ◽  
Main Component ◽  
The Military ◽  
Defense Function

Abstract According to its purpose, statute and powers well defined in the Constitution, the Romanian Army can defend only the interests of the Romanian nation which has defined, in time, its place and role in society. It is well known that the Military institution has represented a main component of the social and political life during our whole evolution of the Romanian State and the existence of the Romanian nation was always circumcised by its presence. The officer`s body and the hole army played a vital role in promoting the ideas of national interest, especially in the last one and a half century. To thisit is added the high value of the defense function and of the military institution, which played a special role in the risen credibility of the army throughout the civil society, considering all the threats that the Romanian nation and State had faced.

British Political Strategy in the Face of the Military Rising of 1936 in Spain

1992 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-137
Author(s):  
Enrique Moradiellos
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Face ◽  
Arms Embargo ◽  
Republican Government ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

The military coup of July 1936 against the Republican government of Spain, which rapidly developed into civil war, required an urgent response from the authorities of the United Kingdom. This was as much on account of its effects on British interests in Spain as due to its repercussions on the unstable situation in Europe. During the nearly three years of war, the Conservative-dominated Cabinet adhered to the Non-Intervention pact signed by all European governments in August 1936, which prescribed an arms embargo towards the combatants without a parallel recognition of their rights as belligerents. This peculiar neutrality, which combined respect for the legal status of the recognized government with de facto equal status for the rebels, was defended by British officialdom on the grounds of the over-riding need to restrict the war and avoid its escalation into a general European conflict. The argument served to deflect accusations of hidden antagonism towards the Republic and to justify the continuation of this policy of neutrality despite the support of Italy and Germany for the insurgent forces, so tolerating in practice the sabotage of the policy of non-intervention by the fascist powers. In the face of these official explanations, which have been accepted at face value by many historians, this article will attempt to show that British non-intervention had its origins in antirevolutionary pre-occupations rather than in strictly diplomatic considerations. Furthermore, it will be argued that during the first six months of the war it adhered consistently to a political strategy based on the expectation that the war would be short lived.

scholarly journals A “União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá” e apoio ao golpe militar de 1964 / The “Amapá Union of Secondary Students” and their support for the military coup of 1964

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-68
Author(s):  
Marcella Vieira Viana
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Secondary Students ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Truth Commission ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Military

O presente artigo visa analisar a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil, em específico, como se deu a deliberação de apoio da entidade ao golpe. Para tanto, foi necessário analisar as peculiaridades da recepção do regime autoritário no então Território Federal do Amapá, o Movimento Estudantil de forma ampla, os aspectos constitutivos da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, suas divisões e seu desenvolvimento diante do golpe. O objetivo com isso, foi traçar as correspondências existentes entre esses aspectos e as ações de apoio que se sucederam em nome da entidade. O artigo baseou-se em fontes bibliográficas sobre o tema e em depoimentos cedidos pela Comissão Estadual da Verdade do Amapá, disponibilizados durante a construção do relatório publicado no ano de 2017. Dentre os resultados, foi possível visualizar que a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá foi bem mais do que um apoio ao regime militar, mas fora heterogênea, e teve sua trajetória ligada a características do território, ao poder, ao regionalismo, às classes e muitos outros aspectos que influenciaram a tomada de decisões de grupos dentro da entidade. This article aims to analyze the performance of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil, specifically, how the deliberation of support of the entity to the coup took place. For that, it was necessary to analyze the peculiarities of the reception of the authoritarian regime in the then Federal Territory of Amapá, the Student Movement in a broad way, the constitutive aspects of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students, its divisions and its development in the face of the coup. The objective was to trace the correspondence between these aspects and the support actions that followed on behalf of the entity. The article was based on bibliographic sources on the subject and on testimonials provided by the Amapá State Truth Commission, which were made available during the construction of the report published in 2017. Among the results, it was possible to visualize that Amapá Union of Secondary Students performance was much more than a support to the military regime, but it had been heterogeneous and had its trajectory linked to characteristics of the territory, power, regionalism, classes and many other aspects that influenced the decision making of groups within the entity.

scholarly journals Predictors of Veterans Health Administration utilization and pain persistence among soldiers treated for postdeployment chronic pain in the Military Health System

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Sayko Adams ◽  
Esther L. Meerwijk ◽  
Mary Jo Larson ◽  
Alex H. S. Harris
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Health Care ◽  
Chronic Pain ◽  
Veterans Health Administration ◽  
First Year ◽  
Veterans Health ◽  
Health Administration ◽  
Military Health System ◽  
Military Health ◽  
The Military

Abstract Background Chronic pain presents a significant burden for both federal health care systems designed to serve combat Veterans in the United States (i.e., the Military Health System [MHS] and Veterans Health Administration [VHA]), yet there have been few studies of Veterans with chronic pain that have integrated data from both systems of care. This study examined 1) health care utilization in VHA as an enrollee (i.e., linkage to VHA) after military separation among soldiers with postdeployment chronic pain identified in the MHS, and predictors of linkage, and 2) persistence of chronic pain among those utilizing the VHA. Methods Observational, longitudinal study of soldiers returning from a deployment in support of the Afghanistan/Iraq conflicts in fiscal years 2008–2014. The analytic sample included 138,206 active duty soldiers for whom linkage to VHA was determined through FY2019. A Cox proportional hazards model was estimated to examine the effects of demographic characteristics, military history, and MHS clinical characteristics on time to linkage to VHA after separation from the military. Among the subpopulation of soldiers who linked to VHA, we described whether they met criteria for chronic pain in the VHA and pain management treatments received during the first year in VHA. Results The majority (79%) of soldiers within the chronic pain cohort linked to VHA after military separation. Significant predictors of VHA linkage included: VHA utilization as a non-enrollee prior to military separation, separating for disability, mental health comorbidities, and being non-Hispanic Black or Hispanic. Soldiers that separated because of misconduct were less likely to link than other soldiers. Soldiers who received nonpharmacological treatments, opioids/tramadol, or mental health treatment in the MHS linked earlier to VHA than soldiers who did not receive these treatments. Among those who enrolled in VHA, during the first year after linking to the VHA, 49.7% of soldiers met criteria for persistent chronic pain in VHA. Conclusions The vast majority of soldiers identified with chronic pain in the MHS utilized care within VHA after military separation. Careful coordination of pain management approaches across the MHS and VHA is required to optimize care for soldiers with chronic pain.

scholarly journals Military Coup in Burma Draws International Condemnation and Pressure

2021 ◽  
Vol 115 (3) ◽  
pp. 558-567
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Media Companies ◽  
One Year ◽  
Head Of Government ◽  
The Military

On February 1, 2021, the military in Burma overthrew the democratically elected government, declared a one-year state of emergency, and installed Senior General Min Aung Hlaing as the head of government. Since the coup, the military has cracked down on protestors, killing over 800 people and detaining many more. Numerous countries and international organizations, including the United States and the United Nations, have condemned the coup and ensuing violence and called for the restoration of a democratic government. The United States and other countries have also imposed rigorous sanctions on the Burmese military, its officials and affiliated corporations, and social media companies have imposed content restrictions to prevent the spread of pro-military propaganda.

The ‘disappeared’ in Argentina 1976–1980

1980 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Coad
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Robert Cox ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Disappeared ◽  
The Way

We publish below a list of writers and journalists abducted by the security forces and numbered among the ‘disappeared’ in Argentina since 24 March 1976, the date of the military coup that installed General Jorge Rafael Videla in power. Two eye-witness accounts illustrate the way in which such abductions usually take place. Finally, Robert Cox, editor-in-exile of the daily newspaper Buenos Aires Herald, describes how independent-minded journalists and the families of los desaparecidos ( ‘the disappeared’) have been affected. The material is introduced by Index on Censorship's researcher on Latin America, Malcolm Coad.

The Politics of Instability in Ecuador: The Overthrow of the President, 1961

1975 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Pyne
Keyword(s):  
Military Intervention ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military ◽  
Coups D'etat ◽  
Apparent Stability ◽  
Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra

On 7 November 1961, a crucial date in modern Ecuadorian political history, Dr José María Velasco Ibarra, constitutional President of the Republic of Ecuador, was deposed from his high office and sought refuge in the Mexican Embassy. The apparent stability that had characterized the country's political life since 1948 was shattered. The pattern of politics since November 1961 is similar in many respects to that which occurred in the decades between the two World Wars. Coups d'état, dictatorships and military juntas are political phenomena common to both periods. The military intervention which to Velasco's dewnfall in 1961 re-established a convention which had been dormant since 1947.

The role of personal value preferences in predicting army stress

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (S1) ◽  
pp. S360-S360
Author(s):  
E. Tartakovsky ◽  
N. Rofe
Keyword(s):  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Stressful Environment ◽  
Personal Value ◽  
Security Values ◽  
The Face ◽  
Competing Interest ◽  
Army Service ◽  
The Military ◽  
Value Preferences

BackgroundThe military is a stressful environment, and many service persons experience army stress. Therefore, it is important to understand the factors affecting army stress and stress resiliency.ObjectiveThe present study examines the connections between personal value preferences and army stress, applying the value congruency paradigm.MethodMale soldiers serving in three combat units in the Israeli Defense Forces participated in the study (n = 257).ResultsThe results obtained demonstrated that personal value preferences explained a significant proportion of the variance in army stress beyond the socio-demographic variables. A lower stress level was associated with a higher preference for the values of societal security, conformity, achievement, and universalism, and with a lower preference for the face and personal security values.ConclusionsThe research promotes our understanding of the relationships between general motivational goals expressed in personal value preferences and stress in the military context. In addition, the results obtained indicate the possible relevance of using values for selecting and preparing recruits who will most likely adjust well to the army framework. Finally, some value-oriented interventions that may be used for promoting the soldiers’ psychological adjustment during their army service are suggested.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

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