scholarly journals Party-Komsomol Relations in the Soviet Military, 1918-1924

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Juricic

During the Russian Civil War many Communist Youth League (Komsomol) military recruits loyally supported the Bolshevik Party on the civilian and military fronts. With the cessation of hostilities the Komsomol attempted to consolidate control over its members in the armed forces by creating Komsomol military cells. Party leaders, believing that Komsomol recruits were politically unreliable, denied all Komsomol requests for autonomy and forced League members to subordinate themselves to military Party organs and to undergo intensive political indoctrination. The Party hoped that these measures would raise the political qualifications of Komsomol recruits. As the number of Komsomol members in military units grew, the strict subordination of Komsomol members proved untenable. The Party therefore created Komsomol "groups assisting the Party" in 1924. Their establishment effectively purged the Party of politically immature Komsomol members and reorganized the Parry's military control apparatus.

Author(s):  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Charles Stewart

This chapter examines the evolving roles and responsibilities of House officers in the antebellum era. An analysis of each of the major House officer positions—mainly the Speaker, but also the Clerk and Printer—reveals that the Speaker's role has varied over time, and that the speakership was not the only House office worth fighting for, especially before the Civil War. The chapter first provides a background on the speakership before the Civil War before discussing two major features of the House of Representatives's formal organization: committees and floor debate. It then explores how the Speaker, Clerk, and Printer positions could bestow significant policy and patronage to the political parties that controlled them. It shows that all three positions were regularly viewed as political resources and that party leaders saw the potential of these resources for helping to solidify the foundation of a party-centered legislative institution.


Author(s):  
Théodore McLauchlin

This book examines the personal and political factors behind soldiers' choices to stay in their unit or abandon their cause. The book explores what might spur widespread desertion in a given group, how some armed groups manage to keep their soldiers fighting over long periods, and how committed soldiers are to their causes and their comrades. To answer these questions, the book focuses on combatants in military units during the Spanish Civil War. The book pushes against the preconception that individual soldiers' motivations are either personal or political, either selfish or ideological. Instead, it draws together the personal and the political, showing how soldiers come to trust each other — or not. In doing so, it demonstrates how the armed groups that hold together and survive are those that foster interpersonal connections, allowing soldiers the opportunity to prove their commitment to the fight. It argues that trust keeps soldiers in the fray, mistrust pushes them to leave, and political beliefs and military practices shape both. The book brings the reader into the world of soldiers and rigorously tests the factors underlying desertion. It asks, honestly and without judgment, what would you do in an army in a civil war? Would you stand and fight? Would you try to run away? And what if you found yourself fighting for a cause you no longer believe in or never did in the first place?


Sowiniec ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (45) ◽  
pp. 21-49
Author(s):  
Mateusz Drozdowski

The aim of the article is to present the events of the end of July and the fi rst weeks of August 1914 which led to the creation of two parallel structures: the Polish Legions and the Supreme National Committee, providing political and organizational infrastructure to the former. This topic has already been repeatedly tackled by Polish historians. Most studies, however, focused on the person of Jozef Piłsudski, as well as on the military aspect of the history of Polish Legions. However, this article presents the political aspect of the events in question, including the attempts to answer two important questions about the genesis of the Polish Legions, ie. who and under what circumstances came up with the idea of creating the Legions as regular military units being a part of the armed forces of the Austro- -Hungarian Empire and at the same time having a national, Polish character.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 261-267
Author(s):  
Sergey Aleksandrovich Tribunsky

The author made an attempt to develop (in the format of a lapidary historiographical review) the problem of the history of cultural and educational work in the Workers and Peasants Red Army (Red Army) during the front-line Civil War (19181920). The problem under review is of increased interest because in 19181920 there was a unique process of the Soviet historical science birth. It was designed to comprehend, and in hot pursuit, the historical phenomenon of the party and political work in the armed forces of the young Soviet state, which had no analogues in the history of world civilizations. This is the historical phenomenon in which cultural and educational work in the Red Army was born and strengthened. At the same time, it should be emphasized that the unique process of the birth of Soviet historical science took place against the background of the escalation of the fratricidal Russian Civil War (in its front-line stage). At this time, interesting sources, primarily historical, as well as some historiographical sources were published on the problem that is considered in this paper. It is they that are subjected to a historiographical review. Naturally, the author does not claim to cover the topic that falls within the scope of his research interests, which, in fact, cannot be achieved in the format of a historiographic review, especially in the format of a lapidary one.


Author(s):  
R. G. Gagkuev ◽  
◽  
F. A. Gushchin ◽  

This research article focuses on characterization of Volunteer Army officers who fought in the Russian Civil War being part of the White armies of South Russia. Quoted memoirs by Major General Konstantin A. Kelner reveal inner relationships and image of the 1st Volunteer Army Corps units of the Armed Forces of South Russia in 1918–1920. An analysis of this historical document has been made and the first full-scale biography of the memoirist has been introduced. The memoirs written by Kelner in 1930 provide a detailed description of the best known «colored» (for their uniforms) regiments of the Volunteer Army: Drozdovites, Markovites, Kornilovites and Alekseevites. The general doesn’t focus just on the glitzy front of their life, but also on negative aspects of the Volunteer movement, which deserves special attention


Author(s):  
Susan Rupp

In comparison with the events of 1917, the Russian Civil War has been little studied, resulting in a problematic historiography that depicts the war as a struggle between Reds and Whites, with the opposition to the Bolsheviks reduced to reactionary officers and restorationist political forces. Soviet historians long made a virtual industry out of studying the civil war, but their work was most often distorted by the constraints of Marxist theory and party orthodoxy. Most Western studies of the political opposition focus on a single party and are often limited to the period prior to the outbreak of the civil war. Over the last decade, dramatic political changes in the former Soviet Union, accompanied by the opening of previously inaccessible archives, have spurred renewed interest in the revolutionary period and the various political groups active during that time. This examination of the opposition in Siberia prior to the Kolchak coup in November 1918 addresses a seldom explored chapter of the civil war and reveals the divisions among the forces of the political center, particularly the fracture between moderate socialists and erstwhile liberals, which fatally undermined the viability of a democratic alternative to the Bolshevik regime.


Author(s):  
R. G. Tikidzhyan

The author reveals in the context of the analysis of the work of historians existing in the Soviet and modern historiography the main problems of Cossack and non-resident population of the don, analyzes the political preferences and sympathies of the Cossacks and the peasantry of the don Cossacks before and during the revolution of 1917-1918гг, determining the value of discussion and unexplored issues of this important topic. Specifics of the process of regional patogeneza all the main political directions. Defined: among some of the frontline (the average of the Cossack middle peasants) and Cossacks, and especially of the poor in 1917-1919.g became popular and the idea of popular Soviet and socialist democracy. It is concluded that many factors contributed to the aggravation of contradictions between different social groups of the Cossacks and Cossack, the peasant and the provinces, the working population of the region. The lack of understanding, lack of experience of the culture of political and social compromise, mutual concessions complex interweaving of elements of the century and inter-class hatred, sometimes burdened with ethno-cultural and inter-religious hostility, severity and complexity “of the agrarian question", belittling the status of non-resident and working population of the region, has led to a gradual slide towards bloody civil war. “Don Vendee" in the end, was the beginning of the global Russian civil war.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1149-1162
Author(s):  
Konstantin N. Kurkov ◽  
◽  
Alexander V. Melnichuk ◽  

The article studies some of the more complicated and sensitive issues of the Civil War in the South of Russia – relations of the Armed Forces of South Russia with the Krai governments of the Don and the Kuban and separatist movements as an important factor in the Whites’ defeat in the South of Russia. Both issues are covered in ‘Defamation of the White Movement,’ one of the last works of General A. I. Denikin. Its manuscript has been introduced into scientific use by the authors. Commanders and military authorities of the Volunteer Army with A. I. Denikin at its head were not tied down by regional interests and could pursue national interests in their policy in order to restore an all-Russian unity destroyed by the revolution. Regional concerns of the Don, Kuban, Little Russian, Caucasian independentists were in direct conflict with the national tasks that the Volunteer Army and the Armed Forces of South Russia strove to solve. Unlike the Don Ataman P. N. Krasnov, who was forced to cooperate with the occupation authorities of Imperial Germany, whose troops had occupied the territory of the Great Don Army for the most of 1918, and unlike other regional administrators in the German-occupied territories, the Whites did not cooperate with the occupiers and at times counteracted their anti-Russian policy. Denikin's propaganda successfully used this fact to fall back on traditional patriotic sentiments and to eat away at the Kremlin regime’s support. Centrifugal tendencies in the South of Russia did not allow the Volunteers to consolidate anti-Bolshevik forces and made an armed resistance to the Bolsheviks impossible. Hence A. I. Denikin’s uncompromising stand on separatist aspirations of independentists. In his view, it was the separatists’ activities in different regions of the former Russian Empire that hindered the successful offensive of the armed forces of South Russia, for instance, on the Moscow direction. Internal dissent was exacerbated by intervention of foreign forces – German occupation forces, the Allied Intervention, and active Bolshevik influence on the outskirts of the former Empire. The article compares Denikin’s text with testimonies of contemporaries and writings of historians. Thus, the authors have been able to show that his slender work reliably and accurately recreates the complex and dramatic situation, which led to the defeat of the anti-Bolshevik forces in the Civil War.


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