scholarly journals POLITICAL PREFERENCES OF THE COSSACKS AND THE PEASANTRY OF THE DON ARMY REGION ON THE EVE AND DURING THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917-1918

2017 ◽  
pp. 103-107
Author(s):  
R. G. Tikidzhyan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
Working Population ◽  
Agrarian Question ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Status

The author reveals in the context of the analysis of the work of historians existing in the Soviet and modern historiography the main problems of Cossack and non-resident population of the don, analyzes the political preferences and sympathies of the Cossacks and the peasantry of the don Cossacks before and during the revolution of 1917-1918гг, determining the value of discussion and unexplored issues of this important topic. Specifics of the process of regional patogeneza all the main political directions. Defined: among some of the frontline (the average of the Cossack middle peasants) and Cossacks, and especially of the poor in 1917-1919.g became popular and the idea of popular Soviet and socialist democracy. It is concluded that many factors contributed to the aggravation of contradictions between different social groups of the Cossacks and Cossack, the peasant and the provinces, the working population of the region. The lack of understanding, lack of experience of the culture of political and social compromise, mutual concessions complex interweaving of elements of the century and inter-class hatred, sometimes burdened with ethno-cultural and inter-religious hostility, severity and complexity “of the agrarian question", belittling the status of non-resident and working population of the region, has led to a gradual slide towards bloody civil war. “Don Vendee" in the end, was the beginning of the global Russian civil war.

The Concept of the Political

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 2 reinterprets Schmitt’s concept of the political. Schmitt argued that Weimar developments, especially the rise of mass movements politically opposed to the state and constitution, demonstrated that the state did not have any sort of monopoly over the political, contradicting the arguments made by predominant Weimar state theorists, such as Jellinek and Meinecke. Not only was the political independent of the state, Schmitt argued, but it could even be turned against it. Schmitt believed that his contemporaries’ failure to recognize the nature of the political prevented them from adequately responding to the politicization of society, inadvertently risking civil war. This chapter reanalyzes Schmitt’s political from this perspective. Without ignoring enmity, it argues that Schmitt also defines the political in terms of friendship and, importantly, “status par excellence” (the status that relativizes other statuses). It also examines the relationship between the political and Schmitt’s concept of representation.

How was the army of the Alash state built?

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
Sultan K. Zhussip (Aqquly) ◽  
Dikhan Qamzabekuly ◽  
Satay M. Syzdykov ◽  
Kairbek R. Kemengger ◽  
Khalil B. Maslov
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Kazakh Population ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Autonomous State

It was 1919, that is, on the eve of the mutual acknowledgement of the Alash Autonomy and the Soviet rule of each other and the incorporation of the Kazakh Autonomy in the USSR. However, historical facts confirm that the leader of the Kazakhs was attempting to build a national army, a fully legal one, even during the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, therefore in the period of the autocratic rule of the colonial empire, despite a number of insurmountable obstacles that seemed to stand in the way. The article is devoted to a historical analysis of the process of creating a legal national army of the Kazakh population and the political legalization of the Autonomous State of Alash on the territory of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century. The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks.The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks

Did Mikhail Sholokhov Write The Quiet Don?

2020 ◽  
pp. 209-230
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
World War ◽  
Unpublished Manuscript ◽  
Nobel Committee ◽  
Magnum Opus

This chapter discusses the novel “The Quiet Don” and the controversy over its authorship. It briefly recounts some of the relevant events of World War I, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the Russian Civil War. The chapter focuses on Soviet writer Mikhail Sholokhov who was awarded by the Nobel Committee in 1945 for the literature prize on his magnum opus, the four-volume The Quiet Don. It also looks into the initial claim that Sholokhov stole the book manuscript for The Quiet Don in a map case that belonged to a White Guard who had been killed in battle. It talks about an anonymous author known as Irina Medvedeva-Tomashevskaia, who wrote several historical studies and claimed that Sholokhov had plagiarized an unpublished manuscript of Fedor Dmitrievich Kriukov.

scholarly journals Party-Komsomol Relations in the Soviet Military, 1918-1924

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Juricic
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Military Recruits ◽  
Communist Youth League ◽  
Military Control ◽  
Control Apparatus ◽  
Military Units

During the Russian Civil War many Communist Youth League (Komsomol) military recruits loyally supported the Bolshevik Party on the civilian and military fronts. With the cessation of hostilities the Komsomol attempted to consolidate control over its members in the armed forces by creating Komsomol military cells. Party leaders, believing that Komsomol recruits were politically unreliable, denied all Komsomol requests for autonomy and forced League members to subordinate themselves to military Party organs and to undergo intensive political indoctrination. The Party hoped that these measures would raise the political qualifications of Komsomol recruits. As the number of Komsomol members in military units grew, the strict subordination of Komsomol members proved untenable. The Party therefore created Komsomol "groups assisting the Party" in 1924. Their establishment effectively purged the Party of politically immature Komsomol members and reorganized the Parry's military control apparatus.

scholarly journals Political evolution of the Sevastopol workers and the far left of ‘Southern Russia’ during the French intervention in 1918–1919

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denis Denisov
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Landscape ◽  
Southern Russia ◽  
Illegal Activities ◽  
The City

This article describes and analyses shifts in political preferences among Sevastopol workers during French intervention (November 1918 – May 1919). After outlining the social landscape of the city during the Russian Civil War, this paper focuses on the interactions between workers, foreign sailors and political parties. The aim of this article is to study the Bolshevisation of Sevastopol's working class based on the paths of several local workers. From the distribution of revolutionary leaflets to agitation in cafés, canteens, and factories, and many other illegal activities, what were the Bolsheviks' tactics to rally local workers to their cause?

scholarly journals Correct Interpretations of Fixed-effects Models, Specification Decisions, and Self-reports of Intended Votes: A Response to Mutz

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 237802311881150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
The Political ◽  
Panel Models ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Fixed Effects Models ◽  
Self Reports ◽  
The Status

The author thanks Professor Mutz for her informative reaction to his article. In this six-part response, the author first addresses Professor Mutz’s new claim that “Morgan’s interpretation suggests a misunderstanding of the panel models.” The author explains that this concern with his understanding can be set aside because Mutz’s interpretations of her own fixed-effects models are incorrect. The author then discusses very briefly four areas of disagreement that readers will want to judge on their own: the value of prejudice-incorporating explanations in comparison with status threat–only explanations, measurement assumptions about support for free trade, the value of adjustments for party identification, and how best to consider the political preferences of nonwhite voters when evaluating the status-threat explanation. The author concludes with a defense of two of his own prior published articles that Mutz critiques in her comment in an apparent attempt to widen the field of contestation.

Evolving Political Discourse on Poverty Alleviation in Sri Lanka

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 171-181
Author(s):  
Upul Abeyrathne
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

There is a voluminous literature on poverty alleviation efforts of Sri Lanka. The present engagement with discourse on evolving political discourse on poverty alleviation touches a different aspect, i.e. instrumental utility of policy in keeping and maintaining the status quo. The study is based on examination of the content of public policies depending on the major strand of thought associated in different eras since colonial presence in Sri Lanka. It helps to identify the continuities and discontinuities of policy discourse. The discussion on the evolution of public policy on poverty alleviation revealed that issues of the poor has occupied a priority in the political agenda of the government whenever a political movement is active in politicizing the poor. However, the very objective of such policies were not aimed at empowering the poor but keeping them subordinated. The study concludes that poverty remains unresolved due to poverty of politics.

scholarly journals THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION AFTER THE FALL OF COMMUNISM

1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 1127-1134 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER READ
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
Short History ◽  
Princeton University ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Secret War

Nicholas II. Emperor of all the Russias. By D. Lieven. London: Pimlico, 1995. Pp. 292. ISBN 0-719-54994-9. £10.00.The Russian Revolution, 1917–1921: a short history. By J. D. White. London: Edward Arnold, 1994. Pp. 312. ISBN 0-340-53910-0. £12.99.The origins of the Russian civil war. By G. Swain. London: Longman, 1995. Pp. 296. ISBN 0-582-05968-2. £13.99.Behind the front lines of the civil war: political parties and social movements in Russia, 1918–1922. By V. N. Brovkin. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. Pp. 455. ISBN 0-691-03278-5. £40.00.America's secret war against Bolshevism: U.S. intervention in the Russian civil war, 1917–1920. By D. S. Foglesong. Chapel Hill and London: North Carolina University Press, 1995. Pp. 386. ISBN 0-807-82228-0. $45–00.

scholarly journals 1917: Historical Divide? Review of: Matthias Neumann, Andy Willimott (eds.) Rethinking the Russian Revolution as Historical Divide. London, New York: Routledge, 2018.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1401-1418
Author(s):  
Igor' K. Bogomolov
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Civil War ◽  
World History ◽  
Cultural Influence ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Soviet Power ◽  
Russian Civil War

The collective monograph makes a new attempt to rethink the Russian revolution as a ‘historical divide’ between eras in Russian and world history. The authors come to the conclusion that the revolutionary transformation of Russia went far beyond the borders of 1917, capturing not only the Russian Civil War, but also the first decade of Soviet power. The most important and valuable observations relate to the hidden and still underestimated socio-cultural influence of prerevolutionary Russia on the seemingly completely special ‘Soviet world’.

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