scholarly journals Pitfalls in Global Warming Policy-Making: Reneging as an Alternative of Action

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 551
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lane

<p><em>The coincidence of the COP22 conference in Morocco and the election victory of Donald Trump is indeed a contradiction. The UN needs quickly to begin making the implementation of the COP21 Agreement goals operational—a gigantic management task for this century. But the USA may be the first nation to go at the Achilles heel of the entire COP21 project, namely reneging. Here, I list some of the major pitfalls with the endeavours of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which has not taken the lessons from the social sciences about coordination failures into account.</em></p>

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (29) ◽  
pp. 451
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lane

It is true that climate change and its implications are given much more attention now, after the COP21 Agreement in Paris. There are almost weekly conferences about global warming and the debate is intense all over the globe. This is a positive, but one must point out the exclusive focus upon natural science and technological issues, which actually bypasses the thorny problems of international governance and the coordination of states. The social science aspects of global warming policy-making will be pointed out in this article. This is a problematic by itself that reduces the likelihood of successful implementation of the goals of the COP21 Agreement (Goal I, Goal II and Goal III in global decarbonistion).


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 167-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Murphy

Abstract: This paper argues that climate change throws down a challenge for the social sciences. They can no longer rely on exclusively social indicators and relative ones, but must include absolute biophysical indicators in their investigations. Accurate analyses of the social causes and consequences of anthropogenic climate change require that they capture the complexity of lay and scientific knowledge, and the nuances of uncertainty, of nature, and of language rather than relying on oversimplified notions. The paper examines whether resilience is a protective strategy under uncertainty and whether disasters are likely to impel mitigation of global warming. It assesses lofty post-carbon utopia discourse and suggests instead the comparative analysis of successful and unsuccessful societies in preventing anthropogenic global warming. To illustrate such an analysis, the paper sketches a study of the different developmental channels of Northern Europe and North America.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lane

While the climate and earth scientists now launch the new theory of abrupt climate change with overwhelming evidence about CO2s and the positive feedback lopes from Arctic meltdown and methane emissions from permafrost, the UNFCCC does not speed up the implementation of its promised policies. The social sciences have yet to come up with management plans for global decarbonisation. Resilience is no longer an option when the tipping point is muck closer in time than earlier believed. The key nations are not taking steps towards the saving of mankind from run away global warming.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lane

Climate and earth scientists now predicting abrupt climate change never ask the social sciences whether large scale policy-making and international coordination, like the COP21 project, is all feasible. The message from policy analysis is that rational decision-making is a myth, as there is bound to be mistakes, confusion and opportunism in policy implementation. Is it better for each state to develop its own climate policy – the resilience option? However, when looking at energy planning by core states, one finds little of decarbonisation. Only Uruguay has good preparation for global warming. Abrupt climate change threatens numerous tipping points towards Hawking irreversibility. But the social sciences are skeptical about large scale policy implementation based upon comprehensively rational decision-making.


Author(s):  
Sarah Louise Nash

This chapter looks at a silence that is surprising because it is well established in elite policy making of the United Nations and the international community broadly, backed up with legal documents, norms and accepted parlance, but which prior to and indeed during the Paris Conference of the Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) remained on the margins of the policy-making discourse: human rights. Climate change and human rights are not unusual bedfellows, with academics drawing on the utility of human rights as an analytical approach to the societal effects of climate change, and the link also featuring frequently and prominently within UN fora. Against this background, it is notable that human rights does not have a more prominent position in the policy-making discourse on migration and climate change. For this analysis, it is important to stress that human rights is a relative silence in the policy-making discourse on the migration and climate change nexus. It is described as such because human rights do actually feature in the discourse and have been very much present in broader debates surrounding the nexus.


Author(s):  
Sarah Louise Nash

This chapter provides an overview and detailed analysis of the central episodes of policy making on migration and climate change between 2010 and 2015. The first of these episodes is the 16th Conference of the Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) that took place in Cancun in December of 2010. This episode marked the first inclusion of the issue of human mobility in the context of climate change in a text agreed at the global level. The now infamous paragraph 14(f) of the Cancun Adaptation Framework, the provision relating to human mobility, invites Parties to undertake ‘measures to enhance understanding, coordination and cooperation with regard to climate change induced displacement, migration and planned relocation, where appropriate, at national, regional and international levels’ and has been a defining feature of policy making that has followed. One of the first attempts to follow up on Cancun was when UNHCR made climate-change-induced displacement one of the topics to be investigated during the 60th anniversary of the 1951 Refugee Convention, which opportunely fell on July 28, 2011.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 740-748
Author(s):  
JAN-ERIK LANE

ABSTRACT The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change met again in Bonn for the COP23 in the fall with Fiji as host, the focus should have been upon the GOAL II in the COP21 Treaty: decarbonisation with 30-40 per cent of 2005 levels until 2030. Several countries now meet the GOAL I of halting the rise in CO2 emissions. And the rest should be asked and helped to do so. But the GOAL II is a very big challenge. It can only be fulfilled with massive investments in solar panel parks.


2003 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-161
Author(s):  
Marco Verweij

Global Warming Poses the Gravest of Ecological Risks, and presents numerous hurdles to international environmental agreement. A major initiative to pre-empt this threat is the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. In this article, I argue that this treaty constitutes an ineffective attempt to curb global warming, and should be replaced by an alternative set of domestic and international policies.


Author(s):  
Joana Castro Pereira ◽  
Eduardo Viola

The signing of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) by 154 nations at the Rio “Earth Summit” in 1992 marked the beginning of multilateral climate negotiations. Aiming for the “stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system,” the Convention divided parties according to different commitments and established the common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDRRC) principle. In 1997, parties to the Convention adopted the Kyoto Protocol, which entered into force in 2005. The Protocol set internationally binding emission reduction targets based on a rigid interpretation of the CBDRRC principle. Different perceptions on a fair distribution of climate change mitigation costs hindered multilateral efforts to tackle the problem. Climate change proved a “super wicked” challenge (intricately linked to security, development, trade, water, energy, food, land use, transportation, etc.) and this fact led to a lack of consensus on the distribution of rights and responsibilities among countries. Indeed, since 1992, greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere have increased significantly and the Kyoto Protocol did not reverse the trend. In 2009, a new political framework, the Copenhagen Accord, was signed. Although parties recognized the need to limit global warming to < 2°C to prevent dangerous climate change, they did not agree on a clear path toward a legally-binding treaty to succeed the Kyoto Protocol, whose first commitment period would end in 2012. A consensus would only be reached in 2015, when a new, partially legally-binding treaty—the Paris Climate Agreement—committing all parties to limit global warming to “well below 2°C” was finally signed. It came into force in November 2016. Described in many political, public, and academic contexts as a diplomatic success, the agreement suffers, however, from several limitations to its effectiveness. The nationally determined contributions that parties have presented thus far under the agreement would limit warming to approximately 3°C by 2100, placing the Earth at a potentially catastrophic level of climate change. Forces that resist the profound transformations necessary to stabilize the Earth’s climate dominate climate change governance. Throughout almost three decades of international negotiations, global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions have increased substantially and at a rapid pace, and climate change has worsened significantly.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lane

<em>Sincere and profound pessimism about the prospects of implementation success for the COP21 project is warranted. The setting up of the Super Fund is a necessity for avoiding collective choice and decision paradoxes like PD games, sub-optimization and second best solutions. Without massive financial assistance, there will occur widespread reneging on the COP21 objectives (Goal I-III). The system of United Nations Climate Change Conferences, i.e., the yearly conferences held in the framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), does not offer an organization that is up to the coordination tasks involved in halting climate change. Massive new management is required in each country to fulfill the COP21 objectives.</em>


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