scholarly journals STAMPING OUT ISIS: METAPHORICAL EXPRESSIONS ABOUT TERRORISM IN DONALD TRUMP’S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES

Author(s):  
Ivan Stamenković

The 2016 US Presidential Elections brought about one of the fiercest election campaigns so far, ending in a tight victory of Donald Trump, the Republican candidate, over Hillary Clinton, the candidate of the Democrats. The public appearances Trump made at rallies were one of the main tools he used in profiling himself as the new leader of America. In the light of the unstable situation in the world and the frequent terrorist attacks on Western states, Trump’s rhetoric regarding the issue of “Radical Islamic terrorism” was the key factor that propelled him towards victory (Azarian 2016). When he tackled the problem of terrorism, one of the discourse mechanisms that he used in abundance was a set of conceptual metaphors drawn from different spheres of human experience. The aim of this research will be to contribute to the role metaphor plays in discourse by highlighting some of the most salient and frequent metaphors in Trump’s terrorism rhetoric, including the conceptualizations involved and their conceptual implications in discourse.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Yuqing Zhao ◽  
Ting Wu ◽  
Huiyu Zhang

The victory of Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 US election shocked the media and the public around the world. In an attempt to understand the linguistic differences between Clinton and Trump that might explain the unexpected result, both quantitative and qualitative methods were used in the research to analyze their particular language features in the speeches and different strategies employed in their debates. The quantitative result showed that Trump’s language was not as rich as Clinton’s. And in terms of the qualitative analysis, it was found that Clinton tended to use the pronoun you more than Trump and that both of them were inclined to make frequent use of we in their campaign speeches. As for debate strategies, Trump, compared with Clinton, was more likely to interrupt and repeat for the purpose of showing power and leaving the audience a stronger impression. The research offers insights into Trump’s and Clinton’s linguistic features and debate strategies that might account for Trump’s victory in the election.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).


Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This chapter presents a model of the interaction of media outlets, politicians, and the public with an emphasis on the tension between truth-seeking and narratives that confirm partisan identities. This model is used to describe the emergence and mechanics of an insular media ecosystem and how two fundamentally different media ecosystems can coexist. In one, false narratives that reinforce partisan identity not only flourish, but crowd-out true narratives even when these are presented by leading insiders. In the other, false narratives are tested, confronted, and contained by diverse outlets and actors operating in a truth-oriented norms dynamic. Two case studies are analyzed: the first focuses on false reporting on a selection of television networks; the second looks at parallel but politically divergent false rumors—an allegation that Donald Trump raped a 13-yearold and allegations tying Hillary Clinton to pedophilia—and tracks the amplification and resistance these stories faced.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630511877601 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew S. Ross ◽  
Damian J. Rivers

Twitter is increasingly being used within the sociopolitical domain as a channel through which to circulate information and opinions. Throughout the 2016 US Presidential primaries and general election campaign, a notable feature was the prolific Twitter use of Republican candidate and then nominee, Donald Trump. This use has continued since his election victory and inauguration as President. Trump’s use of Twitter has drawn criticism due to his rhetoric in relation to various issues, including Hillary Clinton, the size of the crowd in attendance at his inauguration, the policies of the former Obama administration, and immigration and foreign policy. One of the most notable features of Trump’s Twitter use has been his repeated ridicule of the mainstream media through pejorative labels such as “fake news” and “fake media.” These labels have been deployed in an attempt to deter the public from trusting media reports, many of which are critical of Trump’s presidency, and to position himself as the only reliable source of truth. However, given the contestable nature of objective truth, it can be argued that Trump himself is a serial offender in the propagation of mis- and disinformation in the same vein that he accuses the media. This article adopts a corpus analysis of Trump’s Twitter discourse to highlight his accusations of fake news and how he operates as a serial spreader of mis- and disinformation. Our data show that Trump uses these accusations to demonstrate allegiance and as a cover for his own spreading of mis- and disinformation that is framed as truth.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-194
Author(s):  
Heather M. Claypool ◽  
Alejandro Trujillo ◽  
Michael J. Bernstein ◽  
Steven Young

Presidential elections in the United States pit two (or more) candidates against each other. Voters elect one and reject the others. This work tested the hypothesis that supporters of a losing presidential candidate may experience that defeat as a personal rejection. Before and after the 2016 U.S. presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, voters reported their current feelings of rejection and social pain, along with potential predictors of these feelings. Relative to Trump supporters, Clinton (losing candidate) supporters reported greater feelings of rejection, lower mood, and reduced fundamental needs post-election, while controlling for pre-election levels of these variables. Moreover, as self–candidate closeness and liberal political orientation increased, so too did feelings of rejection and social pain among Clinton supporters. We discuss the implications of these results for understanding human sensitivity to belonging threats and for the vicarious rejection literature.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 701-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marty Cohen ◽  
David Karol ◽  
Hans Noel ◽  
John Zaller

ABSTRACTPolitical scientists have devoted vastly more attention to general presidential elections than to party nominations for president. This emphasis might be reasonable if parties could be counted on to nominate generic representatives of their traditions. But it is clear that they cannot. Since the party reforms of the 1970s, regulars like Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Al Gore have sometimes won fairly easy nominations, but outsider candidates like Jimmy Carter and Howard Dean have made strong runs or even won. 2016 has produced extremes of both types: ultimate regular Hillary Clinton on the Democratic side and far outsider Donald Trump on the Republican side. It seems, moreover, that party regulars are having more difficulty in recent cycles than they did in the 1980s and 1990s. There is therefore some urgency to the question: when and why do party regulars tend to win nominations?We examine this question from the point of view of two well-known studies, Nelson Polsby’sConsequences of Party Reformand our own,The Party Decides. The former explains why incentives built into the reformed system of presidential nominations make outsider and factional candidates like Trump likely. The latter argues that, following the factional nominations of the 1970s, party leaders learned to steer nominations to insider favorites. This article uses the logic of these studies to argue that major trends over the past two decades – the rise of new political media, the flood of early money into presidential nominations, and the conflict among party factions – have made it easier for factional candidates and outsiders to challenge elite control of nominations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-22
Author(s):  
Panait (Loghin) Claudia Daniela

A percentage of 13% of EU citizens are affected, at some point in their life, by depression. Paradoxically, Romanians are among the happiest Europeans, despite constant economic difficulties. However, surveys show that people are increasingly worried, suffering from anxiety, depression and stress. A recent study shows that 20% of Romanians suffer from mental disorders. Most are adults who have problems in professional life, in society, in the family. Such patients are always sad, without desire for life, they are withdrawn, they do not want to socialize. Anxiety is the main disease suffered by Romanians and even people around the world. Romanians are afraid of the economic crisis, corruption, poverty, climate change, terrorist attacks, crime. The objective of the public policy proposal is to approach with priority the mental and emotional health of the people in Romania.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110415
Author(s):  
Boris Heersink ◽  
Nicholas G. Napolio ◽  
Jordan Carr Peterson

Recent scholarship on the effect of candidate visits in presidential elections has found that appearances by candidates appear to mobilize both supporters and opponents. Specifically, in the 2016 presidential election, donations to campaigns of the visiting presidential candidates increased, but—in the case of Republican nominee Donald Trump—so did donations to his opponent, Hillary Clinton. In this paper, we extend this research by assessing the effect of visits on campaign donations by presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 2020 election. We find evidence that visits by Donald Trump and Kamala Harris had strong mobilizing and counter-mobilizing effects, increasing donations to both campaigns. We find weak evidence that visits by Joe Biden increased contributions to his campaign, but we do not find evidence that his visits had a counter-mobilizing effect, and we find no evidence that visits by Mike Pence affected donations in either direction.


Subject Mounting questions over Fed independence. Significance President Donald Trump has again publicly criticised the Federal Reserve (Fed) for raising its benchmark interest rate. In July, he first violated White House protocol, of refraining from commenting on monetary policy. Although the White House press secretary immediately assured the public that the president respected and recognised Fed independence, Trump's criticism escalated in September, after the Fed raised the benchmark rate for a third time this year to 2.0-2.25% and signalled plans for a fourth increase in December. Trump described the Fed as "crazy", "wild" and "ridiculous", and making "a big mistake". Impacts Almost half of Republicans view the FBI poorly after Trump's criticism; confidence in the Fed may also suffer. Trump's attacks on Fed policy are likely to grow as the presidential election draws nearer, particularly if economic growth slows. More than 50% of Hillary Clinton voters but fewer than 33% of Trump voters believe the Fed aids economic stability; the gap may widen.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (44) ◽  
pp. 270-277
Author(s):  
Anatoliі Volodymyrovych Khromov ◽  
Iaroslav Gadzalo ◽  
Viacheslav Vasiliievich Abroskin ◽  
Mykhailo Volodymyrovych Zavalnyi

The purpose of this article is to reveal the urgent state of affairs in the sphere of public administration in Ukraine and the world. The most relevant problematic issues in regard to the functioning of public administration area have been also studied. The current prospects for the development of public administration are characterized. In particular, successful examples of international experience in this field are analyzed. Methods of public administration in a number of developed countries are also compared. The meaning of the terms "public administration", "implementation of public administration" and "development of public administration" is revealed. It is noted that the importance of understanding exactly how to carry out public administration within a particular state or a particular region or municipality is a key factor in the success and effectiveness of a political program of any political force. The importance of active cooperation of state authorities of Ukraine, as well as the public, with Ukraine's international allies and partners is emphasized. After all, it is fruitful interaction with such states that will help Ukraine to develop faster and acquire the useful qualities and properties that it must possess in order to effectively carry out public administration.


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