scholarly journals A Typical Politician vs. a Lunatic Businessman: Different Language Styles of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Yuqing Zhao ◽  
Ting Wu ◽  
Huiyu Zhang

The victory of Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 US election shocked the media and the public around the world. In an attempt to understand the linguistic differences between Clinton and Trump that might explain the unexpected result, both quantitative and qualitative methods were used in the research to analyze their particular language features in the speeches and different strategies employed in their debates. The quantitative result showed that Trump’s language was not as rich as Clinton’s. And in terms of the qualitative analysis, it was found that Clinton tended to use the pronoun you more than Trump and that both of them were inclined to make frequent use of we in their campaign speeches. As for debate strategies, Trump, compared with Clinton, was more likely to interrupt and repeat for the purpose of showing power and leaving the audience a stronger impression. The research offers insights into Trump’s and Clinton’s linguistic features and debate strategies that might account for Trump’s victory in the election.

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630511877601 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew S. Ross ◽  
Damian J. Rivers

Twitter is increasingly being used within the sociopolitical domain as a channel through which to circulate information and opinions. Throughout the 2016 US Presidential primaries and general election campaign, a notable feature was the prolific Twitter use of Republican candidate and then nominee, Donald Trump. This use has continued since his election victory and inauguration as President. Trump’s use of Twitter has drawn criticism due to his rhetoric in relation to various issues, including Hillary Clinton, the size of the crowd in attendance at his inauguration, the policies of the former Obama administration, and immigration and foreign policy. One of the most notable features of Trump’s Twitter use has been his repeated ridicule of the mainstream media through pejorative labels such as “fake news” and “fake media.” These labels have been deployed in an attempt to deter the public from trusting media reports, many of which are critical of Trump’s presidency, and to position himself as the only reliable source of truth. However, given the contestable nature of objective truth, it can be argued that Trump himself is a serial offender in the propagation of mis- and disinformation in the same vein that he accuses the media. This article adopts a corpus analysis of Trump’s Twitter discourse to highlight his accusations of fake news and how he operates as a serial spreader of mis- and disinformation. Our data show that Trump uses these accusations to demonstrate allegiance and as a cover for his own spreading of mis- and disinformation that is framed as truth.


Author(s):  
Ivan Stamenković

The 2016 US Presidential Elections brought about one of the fiercest election campaigns so far, ending in a tight victory of Donald Trump, the Republican candidate, over Hillary Clinton, the candidate of the Democrats. The public appearances Trump made at rallies were one of the main tools he used in profiling himself as the new leader of America. In the light of the unstable situation in the world and the frequent terrorist attacks on Western states, Trump’s rhetoric regarding the issue of “Radical Islamic terrorism” was the key factor that propelled him towards victory (Azarian 2016). When he tackled the problem of terrorism, one of the discourse mechanisms that he used in abundance was a set of conceptual metaphors drawn from different spheres of human experience. The aim of this research will be to contribute to the role metaphor plays in discourse by highlighting some of the most salient and frequent metaphors in Trump’s terrorism rhetoric, including the conceptualizations involved and their conceptual implications in discourse.


Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This chapter presents a model of the interaction of media outlets, politicians, and the public with an emphasis on the tension between truth-seeking and narratives that confirm partisan identities. This model is used to describe the emergence and mechanics of an insular media ecosystem and how two fundamentally different media ecosystems can coexist. In one, false narratives that reinforce partisan identity not only flourish, but crowd-out true narratives even when these are presented by leading insiders. In the other, false narratives are tested, confronted, and contained by diverse outlets and actors operating in a truth-oriented norms dynamic. Two case studies are analyzed: the first focuses on false reporting on a selection of television networks; the second looks at parallel but politically divergent false rumors—an allegation that Donald Trump raped a 13-yearold and allegations tying Hillary Clinton to pedophilia—and tracks the amplification and resistance these stories faced.


Populism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Hilmar Mjelde

Abstract Research shows that the media have been one decisive factor in the rise of the most high-profile populist leaders across Western democracies, but also that media attention can begin to dip when populists become established actors. However, the circumstances under which a populist leader can experience loss of media interest in him or her have not been theorized. Therefore, this article makes a contribution towards filling this gap. I offer an explorative and reflective analysis of the diverging political trajectories of Sarah Palin and Donald Trump as a means of suggesting circumstances under which a populist leader is likely to be upstaged by another populist leader taking over the public spotlight. However, this first cut at identifying relevant variables in such a scenario highlights serious conceptual, methodological, and theoretical considerations that must be confronted in future research taking on this research question, and that I deliberately sidestep in this analysis.


Kandai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 291
Author(s):  
NFN Aliurridha ◽  
Susana Widyastuti

The #2019gantipresiden movement was a new agenda of the opposition to win the 2019 presidential election. There were many rejections of these movements. The media reported these rejections with different language style so as to articulate their ideologies. The goal of this research is to explain the attitude of mainstream media toward the rejections of #2019gantipresiden and how ideology plays a role in discourse production. This research used CDA with the appraisal system approach to analyze linguistic features. The data in this research were taken from three different online news media, CNN Indonesia, Detik, and Kompas. The data of this research were collected by selected purposive sampling: three tops of news report were chosen in ‘Google search engine’ of each media. The data analysis was done through referential, substitutional and abductive inference method. The result shows that CNN and Kompas marginalize the #2019gantipresiden movement in reporting the rejection while Detik more neutral. CNN was more focused on describing the #2019gantipresiden movement by negative evaluation while others more focused on reporting the rejection. Furthermore, CNN used explicit, provocative, sharp and straightforward language styles; Detik used neutral, emphatic, careful, and objective language styles; Kompas used deep and clear analysis and more delicate language styles in reporting the rejection of the #2019gantipresiden movement.(Gerakan #2019gantipresiden adalah agenda baru pihak oposisi untuk memenangkan pemilihan presiden 2019. Ada banyak penolakan terhadap gerakan ini. Media memberitakan penolakan ini dengan gaya bahasa yang berbeda-beda mewakili ideologi mereka. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menemukan sikap media online arus utama dalam memberitakan penolakan ini dan bagaimana ideologi berperan dalam praktik wacana. Penelitian ini menggunakan AWK dengan pendekatan sistem appraisal untuk menganalisis fitur-fitur linguistik. Data dalam penelitian ini diambil dari tiga media berita online (daring) yang berbeda, CNN Indonesia, Detik, dan Kompas. Data penelitian ini dikumpulkan dengan purposive sampling: tiga artikel teratas dipilih pada 'mesin pencari Google' dari masing-masing media. Data dianalisis menggunakan metode referensial, substitusi, dan abduktif inferensial. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa CNN dan Kompas cenderung memarginalkan gerakan #2019gantipresiden dalam memberitakan penolakan sementara Detik lebih netral. CNN fokus dalam menggambarkan gerakan #2019gantipresiden dengan evaluasi negatif sementara yang lain lebih fokus pada pemberitaan penolakan. Selain itu, CNN menggunakan bahasa yang eksplisit, provokatif, tajam dan langsung; sementara Detik menggunakan bahasa yang lebih netral, empati, hati-hati, dan objektif; Kompas menggunakan analisis yang mendalam, jelas, dan lebih halus dalam memberitakan penolakan terhadap gerakan # 2019gantipresiden.)


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Aysar Tahseen Yaseen

At first it was the coronavirus briefings held at the White House and lead by the U.S. president Donald Trump. In these briefings and with the help of certain intrinsic and known-to-the public characteristics of the president’s personality such as the love of power, authority and control, appreciation of dictatorship, arrogance, and self-aggrandizing, the media managed to portray the president as a person with modest or even poor communication skills, a bigot, a self-congratulatory, a liar, a self-opinionated, and a self-righteous. Second, it was George Floyd’s murder as a result of the brutality of four white police officers in Minneapolis, Minnesota which overtook the nationwide pandemic, the coronavirus. Floyd’s grievous death sparked waves of protests in major cities nationwide, and instead of standing up for his citizen’s rights, Trump turned a blind eye to this heinous crime. Furthermore, Trump failed verbally and nonverbally to address the grieving nation and to show empathy and solidarity with the victim and his family. His words did not match the grave and horrific situation, and his voice tone and his facial expressions failed to pacify the irate public. The media outlets were there to expose Trump’s deadly mishaps and glitches not just to the American public but to the whole world. With the help of the media, American people were able to detect the fallacy of his arguments and claims. These outlets were happy to dedicate hundreds of hours of live coverage in its quest to pave the way for Trump’s demise and fall.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Kellerman

The COVID-19 pandemic will forever be remembered as a pivotal event in American history. Written by one of the world's foremost experts on leadership and followership, this book centers on the first six months of the pandemic and the crises that ran rampant. The chapters focus less on the former president, Donald Trump, than on his followers: on people complicit in his miserable mismanagement of the crisis in public health. Barbara Kellerman provides clear and compelling evidence that Trump was not entirely to blame for everything that went wrong. Many others were responsible including his base, party, administration, inner circle, Republican elites, members of the media, and even medical experts. Far too many surrendered to the president's demands, despite it being obvious his leadership was fatally flawed. The book testifies to the importance of speaking truth to power, and a willingness to take risks properly to serve the public interest.


Subject Mounting questions over Fed independence. Significance President Donald Trump has again publicly criticised the Federal Reserve (Fed) for raising its benchmark interest rate. In July, he first violated White House protocol, of refraining from commenting on monetary policy. Although the White House press secretary immediately assured the public that the president respected and recognised Fed independence, Trump's criticism escalated in September, after the Fed raised the benchmark rate for a third time this year to 2.0-2.25% and signalled plans for a fourth increase in December. Trump described the Fed as "crazy", "wild" and "ridiculous", and making "a big mistake". Impacts Almost half of Republicans view the FBI poorly after Trump's criticism; confidence in the Fed may also suffer. Trump's attacks on Fed policy are likely to grow as the presidential election draws nearer, particularly if economic growth slows. More than 50% of Hillary Clinton voters but fewer than 33% of Trump voters believe the Fed aids economic stability; the gap may widen.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xueliang Chen ◽  
Yuanle Yan ◽  
Jie Hu

Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, research on Hillary Clinton’s and Donald Trump’s linguistic styles has witnessed an exponential increase, with a lopsided focus on Trump in particular. This study compared Clinton’s and Trumps’ campaign speeches during the general election using a corpus-based approach. Discourse analysis of the corpora was conducted using the textual analysis software AntConc 3.2.4. The results showed that Clinton used a more diverse vocabulary compared with Trump, and that both candidates stuck to their core campaign messages in their speeches. Three major differences between Clinton’s and Trump’s linguistic styles were identified: 1) Clinton was inclined towards rational discussions of public policy, while Trump was adept at appealing to voters’ emotions; 2) Clinton was more positive and focused on her vision of the future, while Trump was more negative and fixated at depicting a dystopian reality; 3) Clinton aimed to find commonalities with the American people, while Trump aimed to highlight differences between himself and his opponents. By putting Clinton’s rhetoric on a par with Trump’s, this study highlighted their linguistic style differences as part of their grand campaign strategy, which could contribute to current understanding of the two candidates’ rhetorical preferences, political beliefs and strategies in their 2016 campaigns.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

This chapter provides details regarding the gender dynamics of the presidential primaries and general election campaign in 2016, in order to show how these phases of the presidential contest set the stage for and affected the down-ballot races. It reviews the various ways in which gender became a central theme in the presidential election and in the public discourse surrounding the election, and considers Trump’s rhetoric in the context of hypermasculine politicians’ behavior in other countries. It also describes in detail how the Republican primary deteriorated into a peculiarly graphic masculinity contest, and how Trump’s tendency toward bigoted and misogynist comments provided fuel for the Clinton campaign and its supporters, and set the stage for Republican down-ballot candidates to respond to the “Trump factor” in their own campaigns.


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