Extraños desechables: raza e inmigración en la era de la globalización

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Oboler

<p class="p1"><span class="s1"><strong>Resumen </strong></span>| Este trabajo procura analizar la crisis general de la noción de comunidad mediante la exploración de las maneras en que la inmigración y la integración de los inmigrantes en esta era globalizada están estimulando una forma particularmente virulenta de racismo, con raíces en la xenofobia, que está sirviendo para redefinir los mismos términos de pertenencia nacional y su expresión política en la ciudadanía<span class="s2"><strong>.</strong></span>Con enfoque particular sobre personas de ascendencia mexicana en los Estados Unidos, propongo que, en el ambiente político y económico vigente, el racismo y la xenofobia contra los inmigrantes, exacerbados por el énfasis sobre seguridad de la dinámica política, aseguran que —independientemente del estatus oficial de ciudadano— los latinos y de manera particular los mexicano-americanos se están transformando en “ciudadanos desechables”<span class="s2"><strong>.</strong></span>Más aun —una vez redefinidos como “mexicanos”, sin importar su país de origen o momento de llegada— los latinos están siendo relegados a la condición de “extraños desechables” en los Estados Unidos.</p><p class="p1"> </p><p class="p1"><strong><em>Disposable Strangers: Race and Migration in the Era of Globalization</em></strong></p> <p class="p2"><span class="s1"><strong>Abstract </strong></span>| This paper seeks to address the general crisis in the notion of community by exploring the ways that immigration and immigrant integration in the global era are stoking a particularly virulent form of racism, rooted in a xenophobia that is instrumental to redefining the very terms of national belonging and its political expression in citizenship.Focusing on the experience of people of Mexican descent in the United States I argue that, in the prevailing political and economic climate, racism and xenophobia against immigrants, exacerbated by the security focus of political dynamics, ensures that, regardless of official citizenship status, Latinos, and particularly Mexican Americans, are becoming “disposable citizens.” Moreover, now recast as “Mexicans”, Latinos, regardless of their national origin or time of arrival, are being relegated to the status of “disposable strangers” in the United States.</p><p class="p1"> </p>

Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-24
Author(s):  
Daniel J. O'Neil

Internal colonialism has beeome a popular term in academic parlance. Although suggested in the writings of Lenin, it was probably first developed by the Mexican intellectual Pablo Gonzales Casanova, who employed the term in his Democracy in Mexico to describe the relationship between the Mexican Government and the Indian population. In the United States it has since been used to characterize the status of virtually every minority. The charge is made that blacks, Mexican- Americans, Indians, and even women have been colonized. Virtually all culturally pluralistic societies— outside the socialist bloc—are now stigmatized as instances of internal colonialism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Paret

From the mid-2000s, the United States and South Africa, respectively, experienced significant pro-migrant and anti-migrant mobilizations. Economically insecure groups played leading roles. Why did these groups emphasize politics of migration, and to what extent did the very different mobilizations reflect parallel underlying mechanisms? Drawing on 41 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 119 interviews with activists and residents, I argue that the mobilizations deployed two common strategies: symbolic group formation rooted in demands for recognition, and targeting the state as a key source of livelihood. These twin strategies encouraged economically insecure groups to emphasize national identities and, in turn, migration. Yet, they manifested in different types of mobilization due to the varying characteristics of the groups involved, and the different national imaginaries and organizing legacies they had to draw upon. The analysis demonstrates the capacity of economically insecure groups to make collective claims. It also shows that within the context of anti-migrant nationalism, economic insecurity amplifies the significance of national belonging, citizenship, and migration as important terrains of collective struggle.


1998 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard H. Dana

This paper describes the status of multicultural assessment training, research, and practice in the United States. Racism, politicization of issues, and demands for equity in assessment of psychopathology and personality description have created a climate of controversy. Some sources of bias provide an introduction to major assessment issues including service delivery, moderator variables, modifications of standard tests, development of culture-specific tests, personality theory and cultural/racial identity description, cultural formulations for psychiatric diagnosis, and use of findings, particularly in therapeutic assessment. An assessment-intervention model summarizes this paper and suggests dimensions that compel practitioners to ask questions meriting research attention and providing avenues for developments of culturally competent practice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas John Cooke ◽  
Ian Shuttleworth

It is widely presumed that information and communication technologies, or ICTs, enable migration in several ways; primarily by reducing the costs of migration. However, a reconsideration of the relationship between ICTs and migration suggests that ICTs may just as well hinder migration; primarily by reducing the costs of not moving.  Using data from the US Panel Study of Income Dynamics, models that control for sources of observed and unobserved heterogeneity indicate a strong negative effect of ICT use on inter-state migration within the United States. These results help to explain the long-term decline in internal migration within the United States.


Author(s):  
Sabrina Strings

Studies on the development of fat stigma in the United States often consider gender, but not race. This chapter adds to the literature on the significance of race in the propagation of fat phobia. I investigate representations of voluptuousness among “white” Anglo-Saxon and German women, as well as “black” Irish women between 1830 and 1890—a time period during which the value of a curvy physique was hotly contested—performing a discourse analysis of thirty-three articles from top newspapers and magazines. I found that the rounded forms of Anglo-Saxon and German women were generally praised as signs of health and beauty. The fat Irish, by contrast, were depicted as grotesque. Building on the work of Stuart Hall, I conclude that fat was a “floating signifier” of race and national belonging. That is, rather than being universally lauded or condemned, the value attached to fatness was related to the race of its possessor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110205
Author(s):  
Giulia Mariani ◽  
Tània Verge

Building on historical and discursive institutionalism, this article examines the agent-based dynamics of gradual institutional change. Specifically, using marriage equality in the United States as a case study, we examine how actors’ ideational work enabled them to make use of the political and discursive opportunities afforded by multiple venues to legitimize the process of institutional change to take off sequentially through layering, displacement, and conversion. We also pay special attention to how the discursive strategies deployed by LGBT advocates, religious-conservative organizations and other private actors created new opportunities to influence policy debates and tip the scales to their preferred policy outcome. The sequential perspective adopted in this study allows problematizing traditional conceptualizations of which actors support or contest the status quo, as enduring oppositional dynamics lead them to perform both roles in subsequent phases of the institutional change process.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019791832199478
Author(s):  
Wanli Nie ◽  
Pau Baizan

This article investigates the impact of international migration to the United States on the level and timing of Chinese migrants’ fertility. We compare Chinese women who did not leave the country (non-migrants) and were subject to restrictive family policies from 1974 to 2015 to those who moved to the United States (migrants) and were, thus, “emancipated” from these policies. We theoretically develop and empirically test the emancipation hypothesis that migrants should have a higher fertility than non-migrants, as well as an earlier timing of childbearing. This emancipation effect is hypothesized to decline across birth cohorts. We use data from the 2000 US census, the 2005 American Community Survey, the 2000 Chinese census, and the 2005 Chinese 1 percent Population Survey and discrete-time event history models to analyze first, second, and third births, and migration as joint processes, to account for selection effects. The results show that Chinese migrants to the United States had substantially higher childbearing probabilities after migration, compared with non-migrants in China, especially for second and third births. Moreover, our analyses indicate that the migration process is selective of migrants with lower fertility. Overall, the results show how international migration from China to the United States can lead to an increase in migrant women’s fertility, accounting for disruption, adaptation, and selection effects. The rapidly increased fertility after migration from China to the United States might have implications on other migration contexts where fertility in the origin country is dropping rapidly while that in the destination country is relatively stable.


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