scholarly journals The Relevance of Bandung Spirit in the Contemporary Global Trade Order

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Rio Nurhasdy ◽  
Rizki Rahmadini Nurika ◽  
Septian Nur Yekti
Keyword(s):  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
World Order ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
New Order ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Social Law ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Systems Of Domination

AbstrakKonferensi Bandung sudahdiadakan 60 tahun yang lalu. Kolonisasi telah resmi menghilang, Perang Dingin telah berakhir, dan Gerakan Non-Blok telah hampir kehilangan raison d'etre. Namun, sistem serupa dominasi kekuatan dalam tatanan dunia masih bertahan, perang terus mengancam kemanusiaan, dan kelaparan massal, penyakit, dan kemiskinan masih menjadi ciri sebagian besar negara di dunia. Ketidakadilan telah muncul dalam bentuk yang lebih canggih dengan dimensi yang lebih besar seperti sosial, hukum, dan ekonomi. Sebuah sistem dominasi dalam tatanan dunia dan ketidakadilan saat ini dapat ditemukan dalam konteks perdagangan global. Rezim dipelopori oleh Organisasi Perdagangan Dunia (WTO) sebagai tatanan baru telah meliberalisasi belahan dunia dengan menawarkan beberapa fungsi dan tujuan bermanfaat bagi negara, baik Utara dan Selatan. Bahkan, perintah ini tidak selalu membawa manfaat bagi mereka, terutama untuk negara-negara kurang berkembang yang sebagian besar berasal dari Selatan. Mereka dieksploitasi dan hanya mendapatkan sedikit manfaat dari liberalisasi perdagangan sementara negara-negara maju menuai banyak manfaat. Sebagai respon terhadap dunia kontemporer, makalah ini mencoba untuk menganalisis rasa perlunya Bandung Spiritsebagai wujud kehadiran postkolonial asli dan masa depan untuk Selatan. Pertanyaan mendasarnya adalah mengapa sistem dominasi masih ada hingga sekarang, di mana kekuasaan hegemonik dalam sistem perdagangan ditempati oleh Utara. Makalah ini juga mempertanyakan bagaimana Bandung Spriti perlu ditafsirkan karena tidak semua norma dan nilai-nilai yang ada di dalam Bandung Spirit bisa memungkinkan Selatan untuk memecahkan masalah global, terutama untuk isu-isu perdaganganKata Kunci: bandung spirit, liberalisasi perdagangan, selatan, WTO AbstractIt has been 60 years after the Bandung Conference. Colonization has officially disappeared, the Cold War has ended, and the Non-Aligned Movement has almost lost its raison d’être. However, similar systems of domination by the powerful in the world order still persist, wars continue to threaten humanity, and mass hunger, diseases, and poverty still characterize many parts of the world. Injustice has appeared in more sophisticated forms and larger dimensions such social, law, and economy. A system of domination in the world order and injustice today can be found in the global trade context. The regime pioneered by the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a new order has liberalized parts of the world by offering some beneficial functions and objectives for countries, both North and South. In fact, this order doesn’t always bring benefits for them, especially for less developed countries which mostly come from South. They were exploited and only get little benefits from trade liberalization while developed countries reap many benefits. As a response to the contemporary world, this paper attempts to analyze the sense of the necessity of Bandung Spirit for a genuine postcolonial present and future for South. This paper questions why system of domination still exists today, where hegemonic power in trading system is occupied by North. This paper also questions how the Bandung Spirit needs to be interpreted today because not all normsand values lies within the Bandung Spirit could enable South to solve global problem, especially for trade issues.Keywords: bandung spirit, trade liberalization, south, WTO

The 1945 World Order – Process with «Open» Continuation

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Bipolar Structure ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.

A New World Economic order formation

2021 ◽  
pp. 932-950
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vyacheslavovich Emelyanov
Keyword(s):  
Oil And Gas ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
New Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
World Economic Order ◽  
The Impact

Every few decades, the world order changes due to various geopolitical, economic and other circumstances. For example, as a result of globalization, the world order has undergone significant changes in the last forty years. Globalization has led to the destruction of the postwar world order, as well as to world leadership by the United States and the West. However, in recent decades, as a result of globalization, the U.S. and the West began to cede their leadership to developing countries, so there is now a change in the economic structure of relations in the world system. Today the center of economic growth is in the East, namely in Asia. There are no new superpowers in the world at the moment, but the unipolar world will cease to exist due to the weakening of the U. S. leadership, which will lead to a change in the world order. A new leader, which may replace the U. S., will not have as wide range of advantages as the USA has. Most likely, the essence of the new order will be to unite the largest countries and alliances into blocks, for example, the USA together with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the EU, etc. The article outlines forecasts of GDP growth rates as well as the global energy outlook; analyzes the LNG market as well as the impact of the pandemic on the global oil and gas market; and lists the characteristics of U. S. geopolitics.

Liberal Internationalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Beate Jahn
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Main Function ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Successful Integration

Since the end of the Cold War, peacebuilding operations have become an integral part of world politics—despite their continuing failures. This chapter provides an account of peacebuilding operations in practice and identifies cycles of failure and reform, namely the successful integration of peacebuilding into the fabric of the world order despite its continuing failures. It traces these dynamics back to the internal contradictions of liberalism and argues that the main function of peacebuilding operations lies in managing the tensions and contradictions inherent in a liberal world order. Peacebuilding—in one form or another—is therefore likely to persist for the duration of a liberal world order.

Does the WTO Need to Change?

2010 ◽  
Vol 109 (730) ◽  
pp. 355-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey J. Schott
Keyword(s):  
World Trade Organization ◽  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
World Trade ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
Doha Round ◽  
The World

The World Trade Organization is in disrepair. To fix it, and thereby boost global trade liberalization, nations must first successfully conclude the Doha Round of talks.

scholarly journals GRANDE ESTRATÉGIA: POLÍTICA EXTERNA E DEFESA EM UM MUNDO EM TRANSFORMAÇÃO

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Celso Amorim
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
World Order ◽  
Defense Policy ◽  
Mixed Structure ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Brazilian Case

In the last years of the twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world has evolved into a mixed structure, which preserves the characteristics of unipolarity at the same time that approaches to a multipolar world in some ways. In an international reality marked by its fluid nature, the emergence of new actors and the so-called "asymmetric threats" has not eliminated the former agents in the world order. And the conflict between the States has not disappeared from the horizon. In this context, diplomacy must have the permanent support of defense policy. Therefore, in the Brazilian case, the paper presents that the country should adopt a grand strategy that combines foreign policy and defense policy, in which soft power will be enhanced by hard power.

scholarly journals CONTAMPORARY GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT’S FACTORS

2019 ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Irina Afanasyeva
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Subject Area ◽  
Global Development ◽  
Foreign Economic Policy ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Global World

At the turn of the third Millennium, significant changes have affected the global world. The contemporary world economy, the world order, international organizational and economic relations are all involved in the intensive process of global development. There is no country in the world that is able to form and implement foreign economic policy without taking into account the behavior of other participants within the world economic system. Scientific and practical analysis of the subject area of the existing research has predetermined the key objective of this article – to determine the factors of contemporary global development.

Liberalism since the Cold War: an enemy to itself?

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
GEOFFREY HAWTHORN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Markets ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Regional Development Banks

Many expected that after the Cold War, there would be peace, order, increasing prosperity in expanding markets and the extension and eventual consolidation of civil and political rights. There would be a new world order, and it would in these ways be liberal. In international politics, the United States would be supreme. It would through security treaties command the peace in western Europe and east Asia; through its economic power command it in eastern Europe and Russia; through clients and its own domination command it in the Middle East; through tacit understanding command it in Latin America; and, in so far as any state could, command it in Africa also. It could choose whether to cooperate in the United Nations, and if it did not wish to do so, be confident that it would not be disablingly opposed by illiberal states. In the international markets, it would be able to maintain holdings of its bonds. In the international financial institutions, it would continue to be decisive in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank; it would be an important influence in the regional development banks; and it would be powerful in what it was to insist in 1994 should be called the World (rather than Multinational) Trade Organisation. Other transactions in the markets, it is true, would be beyond the control of any state. But they would not be likely to conflict with the interests of the United States (and western Europe) in finance, investment and trade, and would discipline other governments.

A Clash of Normativities: International Society and International Community

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Buchan
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Society ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Community ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Normative Standard ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractThis paper will suggest that since the end of the Cold War liberal states have instituted a new regime of international relations and of international peace and security in particular. Historically, legitimate statehood could be situated virtually exclusively within international society; in their international relations all states subscribed to a common normative standard which regarded all states qua states as legitimate sovereign equals irrespective of the political constitution that they endorsed. With the end of the Cold War, however, an international community of liberal states has formed within international society which considers only those states that respect the liberal values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law as legitimate. Non-liberal states are not only denigrated as illegitimate but more significantly they are stripped of their previously held sovereign status where international community, motivated by the theory that international peace and security can only be achieved in a world composed of exclusively liberal states, campaigns for their liberal transformation. Finally, it will be suggested that despite the disagreement between liberal states over the decision to invade Iraq in 2003 international community survives, and thus its (antagonistic) relationship with non-liberal states continues to provide a useful method for theorising international peace and security in the contemporary world order.

scholarly journals REVIEW: New World myths

1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-97
Author(s):  
David Robie
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World Economy ◽  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
New World Order ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
News Service ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

Review of Whose Story? Reporting the Developing World After the Cold War, edited by Jill Spelliscy and Gerald B. Sperling, Calgary, Canada: Detselig Enterprises, 1993. 242 pp. 'I get terribly angry', remarks Daniel Nelson, editor of Gemini News Service, 'when journalists take the phrase, which is completly manufactured, "New World Order"—it's absolutely meaningless. Personally I don't think there is a New World Order. I think we have the same world order, but without the Soviet Union which was never a major part of the world economy. And if you live in Katmandu or Kampala, there is no change.'

scholarly journals El predominio de la agenda neoliberal en el mundo contemporáneo: hegemonía y consecuencias = The predominance of the neoliberal agenda in the contemporary world: hegemony and consequences

2017 ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Carmen Pineda Nebot ◽  
Francisco Fonseca
Keyword(s):  
World Economy ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Economic Sustainability ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The World ◽  
The Developed Countries ◽  
Regulatory Model ◽  
Sobre Todo

RESUMEN: Hace treinta años la economía mundial, sobre todo en los países desarrollados, sufría, como ocurre ahora, una fuerte crisis económica. De aquella situación surgió un nuevo modelo de regulación de las economías capitalistas al que se llamó neoliberalismo. Desde entonces, con mayor o menor fuerza, ha estado presente en todos los países, aprovechando las condiciones de estos para repetir constantemente los mismos principios: la reducción del Estado, las ventajas del mercado, la autorregulación de éste, etc. Aunque sus premisas parezcan simples o sencillas el neoliberalismo es un proyecto complejo y cambiante, cuya sustentabilidad política y económica se reinventa constantemente y cuya gobernanza y espacialidad es necesario observar y  analizar si se quiere avanzar en alternativas viables. El neoliberalismo no vive apartado de proyectos alternativos sino que se mezcla con las alternativas, tiene una forma de gobernanza que muta, que cambia. Con este artículo pretendemos conocer algo más sobre las semejanzas y diferencias que esta ideología presenta según los países.ABSTRACT: Thirty years ago the world economy, especially the developed countries, suffered, as it is the case now, a severe economic crisis. That situation arose a new regulatory model of capitalist economies is called neo-liberalism. Since then, with more or less force, has been present in all countries, taking advantage of these conditions to constantly repeat the same principles: the reduction of the State, the advantages of the market and self-regulation of this, etc. Although its premises seem simple or simple neo-liberalism is a complex and changing project whose political and economic sustainability constantly reinvents itself and whose governance and spatiality is necessary to observe and analyze whether you want to advance in viable alternatives. Neo-liberalism does not live away from alternative projects but is mixed with the alternatives, has a form of governance that mutates, which changes. With this communication we seek to know something more about the similarities and differences that this ideology presents of the countries. PALABRAS CLAVE: liberalismo, keynesianismo, neoliberalismo, ultraliberalismo.KEYWORDS: liberalism, keynesianism, neoliberalism, ultraliberalism.

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