A New World Economic order formation

2021 ◽  
pp. 932-950
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vyacheslavovich Emelyanov

Every few decades, the world order changes due to various geopolitical, economic and other circumstances. For example, as a result of globalization, the world order has undergone significant changes in the last forty years. Globalization has led to the destruction of the postwar world order, as well as to world leadership by the United States and the West. However, in recent decades, as a result of globalization, the U.S. and the West began to cede their leadership to developing countries, so there is now a change in the economic structure of relations in the world system. Today the center of economic growth is in the East, namely in Asia. There are no new superpowers in the world at the moment, but the unipolar world will cease to exist due to the weakening of the U. S. leadership, which will lead to a change in the world order. A new leader, which may replace the U. S., will not have as wide range of advantages as the USA has. Most likely, the essence of the new order will be to unite the largest countries and alliances into blocks, for example, the USA together with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the EU, etc. The article outlines forecasts of GDP growth rates as well as the global energy outlook; analyzes the LNG market as well as the impact of the pandemic on the global oil and gas market; and lists the characteristics of U. S. geopolitics.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Gordienko ◽  

The paper examines the interests of Russia, the United States and China in the regions of the world and identifies the priorities of Russia's activities in Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Asia-Pacific region, the Arctic, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America, their comparative assessment with the interests of the United States and China. An approach to assessing the impact of possible consequences of the activities of the United States and China on the realization of Russia's interests is proposed. This makes it possible to identify the priorities of the policy of the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The results of the analysis can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the discrepancy between the interests of the United States and China is important for the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the Russian Federation.


2022 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maider Pagola Ugarte ◽  
Souzana Achilleos ◽  
Annalisa Quattrocchi ◽  
John Gabel ◽  
Ourania Kolokotroni ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Understanding the impact of the burden of COVID-19 is key to successfully navigating the COVID-19 pandemic. As part of a larger investigation on COVID-19 mortality impact, this study aims to estimate the Potential Years of Life Lost (PYLL) in 17 countries and territories across the world (Australia, Brazil, Cape Verde, Colombia, Cyprus, France, Georgia, Israel, Kazakhstan, Peru, Norway, England & Wales, Scotland, Slovenia, Sweden, Ukraine, and the United States [USA]). Methods Age- and sex-specific COVID-19 death numbers from primary national sources were collected by an international research consortium. The study period was established based on the availability of data from the inception of the pandemic to the end of August 2020. The PYLL for each country were computed using 80 years as the maximum life expectancy. Results As of August 2020, 442,677 (range: 18–185,083) deaths attributed to COVID-19 were recorded in 17 countries which translated to 4,210,654 (range: 112–1,554,225) PYLL. The average PYLL per death was 8.7 years, with substantial variation ranging from 2.7 years in Australia to 19.3 PYLL in Ukraine. North and South American countries as well as England & Wales, Scotland and Sweden experienced the highest PYLL per 100,000 population; whereas Australia, Slovenia and Georgia experienced the lowest. Overall, males experienced higher PYLL rate and higher PYLL per death than females. In most countries, most of the PYLL were observed for people aged over 60 or 65 years, irrespective of sex. Yet, Brazil, Cape Verde, Colombia, Israel, Peru, Scotland, Ukraine, and the USA concentrated most PYLL in younger age groups. Conclusions Our results highlight the role of PYLL as a tool to understand the impact of COVID-19 on demographic groups within and across countries, guiding preventive measures to protect these groups under the ongoing pandemic. Continuous monitoring of PYLL is therefore needed to better understand the burden of COVID-19 in terms of premature mortality.


Author(s):  
Sh. K. Suleimenova

At the present stage, Kazakhstan is in new socio-political, economic and international conditions caused by growing globalization. This determines, on the one hand, a significant impact on the development of the education system of Kazakhstan of world educational trends, on the other hand, the market nature of the national economy determines the inevitability of the impact of education in general, and educational services, in particular, on the country's economy and its development through the capitalization of knowledge. Currently, Kazakhstan's universities are developing in accordance with the trends that have developed in the world and domestic economy, among which globalization stands out. The modern Kazakh higher education is characterized by the desire to integrate into the world educational space. The purpose of this article is to study the international experience in managing the quality of higher education on the example of some European countries and the United States of America. The modern two models of quality management of higher education in the global educational space are characterized and the model of assessing the quality of higher education in Kazakhstan is determined. The article analyzes the Kazakh legislation in the field of state control and assessment of the quality of higher education. The best approaches to assessing the quality of higher education for the Kazakh higher education system have been identified, following the example of the foreign countries under consideration. To write the article such methods of research as analysis of legal acts and documents, case study, deduction and generalization were used.


Author(s):  
L. L. Fituni

The article lays out a hypothesis that the global order slides into a new bipolarity in the context of the escalating geo-economic and geopolitical confrontation between the two poles that currently dominate the world - the United States and China. The neo-bipolar construction cannot yet be regarded as an established new world order, but the general movement of the world economy and international relations in this direction is obvious. The neo-bipolar bipolar confrontation manifest itself with varying intensity in different regions of the world. The author argues that at present the peripheral regions which are strategically important for the prospects of competition are becoming an important testing ground for relatively “safe” elaboration of methods and tactics of geo-economic rivalry and h mutual exchange of systemic attacks. Today, Africa has become practically the leading theater of the new bipolar confrontation. The article analyzes the economic, military and strategic aspects of the rivalry between the United States and China on the African continent. It provides a comparative analysis of the new African strategies of the two superpowers adopted at the end of 2018. The author asserts that in the context of the emerging global bipolarity, the strategies of the USA and China represent antagonistic programs based on fundamentally different initial messages. In the case of the US strategy, this is to deter by denial the spread of the competitor’s influence using tough policies, including forceful (while not necessarily military) confrontational actions. While China seeks to neutralize the opposition of the United States and its allies to Beijing’s expansion on the continent and to win the freedom of interaction with any partners in Africa causing minimal direct confrontation possible. Therefore, despite the seemingly “peripheral” importance of the confrontation on the continent, for the establishment of a neo-bipolar world order, the proclamation of the new US regional geopolitical strategy, which focuses on the containment of China in the name of protecting democracy and independence, can serve not only for Africa, but for the whole planet the same milestone signal as Churchill’s Fulton speech for the final advent of bipolarity in the postwar world.


1983 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-79
Author(s):  
Martin T. Katzman

Several American utilities have contracted to purchase electricity from ‘windfarmers’, and many others are beginning to explore this option. The value of conventional fuel and capacity savings will influence the terms under which utilities enter these contracts. A quantitative assessment of these savings is undertaken using computer models that simulate the dispatching of conventional capacity and calculate the reliability of this capacity. These models identify the conventional costs avoided by utilities as a consequence of windfarming. The impact of various levels of windmill penetration is simulated in five sites in the USA, representing a wide range of average wind speeds. The cost of wind energy is less than the value of fuel savings alone for utilities which possess substantial oil- and-gas-fired generating capacity and which serve sites with winds above 12 m.p.h. In such sites, 1kW of conventional capacity is displaced by 2–5 kW windmill capacity. Increased windmill penetration reduces the value of fuel and capacity savings per kW.


Author(s):  
Olga L. Fituni

In the end of 2021, the eighth Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Ministerial Conference was held. The conference, which takes place every three years alternately in the PRC and one of the African countries, each time marks a certain new stage in the development of Sino-African relations and charts new paths along this path. The Dakar forum however was of particular strategic importance. It took place in fundamentally new conditions of a profoundly changed post-COVID world, in which the physical capabilities and limitations of mutual communication became different, because of the pandemic; the conditions of human security on the planet have fundamentally changed; the prevailing paradigms of the globalization process have been seriously. The FOCAC-2021 sought to outline the ways for the development of the entire multifaceted complex of Sino-African in new historical conditions. The author analyzes the degree of implementation of the plans and targets of the previous FOCAC-2018 Summit. New benchmarks and goals for the next three years of Sino-African cooperation and the impact on them of new objective conditions, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the growth of confrontation in relations between the PRC and the United States and its allies, and the reformatting of previous globalization ties and interdependencies are highlighted as they have been outlined in Dakar. The author argues that, despite these fundamental global transformations, China's African strategy, in contrast to relations with a number of key world actors, does not undergo a profound modification. China sets the task not to fundamentally change, its strategy in African and routine engagement with its with partners on the continent under the influence of the new factors, but only to adapt to the realities of the post-COVID world order, in the context of the emerging balance of power and interests in the world.


Author(s):  
Jiang Junjing

Based on a wide range of sources, the article analyzes the impact of China's trade and economic relations with the United States. Several periods of interaction between countries after the end of World War II are considered. Special attention is paid to the period of restoration of diplomatic relations since 1979. Based on various sources and historiography, the author analyzes the researchers' points of view on the impact of economic issues on the relations between the two countries. In the course of the research, the author came to the conclusion that an important aspect in the direction of the foreign economic policy of the People’s Republic of China in the first post-war years was the ideological factor. The article presents an analysis of changes in the vector of China's foreign policy in different periods. The main ways of interaction between the United States and China are described, depending on changing foreign policy doctrines. The reforms launched in 1978 provided China with economic growth and a growing prestige on the world stage, which is still present today. The rapprochement between the United States and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought certain economic benefits for the two countries. However, the aggravation of relations between the countries in the new Millennium provides an opportunity for new assessments of the PRC's position on the world stage. Trump’s coming to power in the United States is regarded as an economic war between the two countries. China's increased investment capacity and technological independence make it an attractive partner for other countries, which in turn has a negative impact on trade with America. The most important thing in this situation is the fact that the globalization of the world economy caused by scientific and technological progress, including the rather close interweaving of the US and Chinese economies, contradicts the national interests of both countries, which are trying to strengthen their positions and role in the world economy. Based on the analyzed material, the author comes to the conclusion that recently the foreign policy relations between China and the United States directly depend on the economic interests of the parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
pp. 133-146
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of the national interests of the USA, China and the Russian Federation in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the Middle East component of the policies of these states on the implementation of their current economic and military policies and on ensuring their national security. An approach to comparing the influence of the Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA, which allows identifying the priorities of Russia's policy in the Middle East and other regions of the world, is proposed. Comparison of the Middle East component of the policy of the states of the "strategic triangle" can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the Middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia acquires significance in the implementation of the current economic and military policy of the countries of the Middle East region.


Author(s):  

В настоящее время мы являемся свидетелями трансформации мирового порядка. Соединённые Штаты и Китай развязывают новую холодную войну, Европейский союз находится в поиске своей самостоятельной роли в мире, на Россию продолжается давление со стороны Запада. Цифровые технологии становятся важнейшим инструментом реализации государствами своей воли. Пандемия, разразившаяся в мире, ускоряет эти процессы. Предложенную Москвой концепцию Большого Евразийского партнёрства можно оценивать как целесообразный проект, но он нуждается в развитии и уточнении. Ключевыми направлениями становятся отношения с Китаем, также претендующего на роль глобального игрока, и со странами Центральной Азии, составляющими сердцевину пространства проекта Большой Евразии, стабильность которого напрямую влияет на безопасность России. Появление горячих точек на границе и внутри Большой Евразии (конфликт в Нагорном Карабахе, волнения в Белоруссии и Киргизии) являются вызовами для России, на которые необходимо своевременно реагировать, чтобы не допустить их разрастания и превращения в угрозы. Об этом старший преподаватель кафедры международных отношений ВИ - ШРМИ ДВФУ Марина Дмитриева поговорила с доктором философских наук, экспертом ООН, председателем Ассоциации экспертов и аналитиков «Изыскания Срединной Азии» Сергеем Ивановичем Масауловым, который долгое время жил и работал в Бишкеке, являлся руководителем аналитических центров, директором Института стратегического анализа и оценки при Президенте КР. We are currently witnessing a transformation of the world order. The United States and China are unleashing a new Cold War, the European Union is in search of its own independent role in the world, and Russia continues to be under pressure from the West. This interview discusses the events that took place in Central Asia in 2020. S. Masaulov expresses the opinion that the coronavirus pandemic did not cause the coup in Kyrgyzstan, but there were internal prerequisites for it, which the authorities further aggravated on the eve of the elections. The interlocutor talks about the possibility of repeating these events in Kazakhstan. The article deals with the issues of China's policy in Central Asia and the possible strengthening of Turkey's influence in the light of recent events in Nagorny Karabakh. In addition, S. Masaulov gives his opinion on the development of the Eurasian Economic Union and the necessary changes in Russia's policy in the Eurasian space.


Author(s):  
D. D. Osinina

During the transition of power, the analysis of the “staff reserve” of the state becomes a priority topic. In particular, the worldview of the growing elite is of particular interest. One of the channels of influence on the worldview of young people is education. On the example of Kazakhstan, the author analyzes the activities of the world powers — China, the USA, Russia and Turkey — regarding the promotion of the policy of “soft power” in the country, namely, the impact through educational institutions on the worldview of the “staff reserve” of the elite community of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The system of views, which is formed under the influence of a system of values, is reflected in the political orientations of the younger generation. In this regard, the education of a young man in the United States or China affects the formation of his political views and relations to a particular state, as well as the model of development of his own state.


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