Ethnic and confessional factor in the Arab countries of the Eastern Mediterranean

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-48
Author(s):  
Elena Mikhaylovna Savicheva ◽  
Nigina Sukhbatovna Akhmedova ◽  
Somar Hafez Ghanem

The article analyzes the role of ethno-confessional factor in the social and political life of two Eastern Mediterranean Arab countries - Lebanon and Syria. It is emphasized that ethnic and confessional diversity in combination with cultural and civilizational specifics predetermines the peculiarities of political processes in the countries and their foreign policy orientations. The authors note the tendency of wide involvement of various ethnic and confessional groups in political processes. The authors come to the conclusion about significance of ethnic and confessional factors in the development of traditional societies in the Middle Eastern countries, including Syria and Lebanon. The ethno-confessional factor can both consolidate and mobilize society, as well as increase the potential for conflict and complicate the settlement process in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional countries of the region.

Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Savin

The article is dedicated to Halide Edip - outstanding novelist, scientist, public figure. The events of her personal life and political processes that took place in the last years of the Ottoman Empire and in the Republican period are reflected in her articles, memoirs, novels and scientific works. She raised topical issues such as the social status of Turkish women, their education and participation in political life, aspects of nationalist ideas, the correlation of tradi-tions and innovations in public life and the role of religion.


Author(s):  
Vladimir M. Akhmedov ◽  

The article explores the core components of Iran’s politics in the Middle East and its latest developments achieved in the region since the 1990s. The author focuses on the Iranian activity in some Arab countries, mainly in Syria, showing why and how Iranian influence managed to ground so deeply in the social fabric of the Syrian society. The author briefly characterizes historic background of Arab-Iranian relations, showing the place and role of Iranian politics in Arab society and political institutions on the eve of ‘Arab Spring’. The article studies the influence of ‘Arab Spring’ on Arab-Iranian relations and shows the challenges, caused by this popular uprising on its early stages in some Arab countries, for Iran and its relations with Middle Eastern states. The stand of the Arab authorities with regards of the given situation and its ability to influence its development are demonstrated as well. The author explores the latest actions of IRI to create structures under Iranian control in some Arab countries, showing the latest developments of Iranian penetration into Arab countries, first of all into Syria. The author analyzes the actions of Iranian diplomacy in concerning the above mentioned goals to strengthen Iranian positions in the Middle East. The article shows the main spheres of Iranian, Israeli, Turkish and Russian contradictions in some Arab countries, first of all in Syria, paying special attention to the development of Russian-Iranian relations in the Middle East. The author estimates Iran’s chances to safeguard its present position in the Middle East in the contexts of latest developments in the region and with regards to Iran’s relations with Russia and Turkey. The author tries to predict transformations in Iran’s Middle Eastern politics in view of further political developments in the region, sharing his views about reconsidering Russian-Iranian relations aiming to improve it, considering the upcoming challenges in the region, where Moscow pursues today an active policy.


Author(s):  
Peter Collins

<strong><strong></strong></strong><p align="LEFT">T<span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">his paper provides a critical overview of research on Australian English (‘AusE’), </span></span>and of the vexing questions that the research has grappled with. These include: What is the historical explanation for the homogeneity of the Australian accent? Was it formed by the fi rst generation of native-born Australians in the ‘Sydney mixing bowl’, its spread subsequently facilitated by high population <span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">mobility? Or </span></span>is the answer to be found in sociolinguistic reconstructions of the early colony suggesting that a uniform London English was transplanted to Australia in 1788 and that speakers of other dialects quickly adapted to it? How is Australia’s national identity embodied in its lexicon, and to what extent is it currently under the infl uence of external pressure from American English? What are the most distinctive structural features of AusE phonology, morphosyntax and discourse? To what extent do allegedly unique Australian features such as sentence-final <em><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed-Italic; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed-Italic; font-size: small;">but </span></span></em>and <em><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed-Italic; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed-Italic; font-size: small;">yeah-no </span></span></em><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">in discourse serve the social role of indexing </span></span><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">‘Australianness’? What is </span></span>the nature and extent of variation – regional, social and ethnic – in contemporary AusE? Are such regional phonological <span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">differences as /æ/~/a/ variation increasing </span></span>or <span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">diminishing? Does there exist a pan-ethnic variety of AusE that is particularly </span></span>associated with younger Australians of second generation Middle Eastern and Mediterranean background? Has contemporary AusE consolidated its own norms as an independent national standard?</p>


Author(s):  
Zikriya ◽  
Naushad Khan ◽  
Asif Salim

The development of International relations together with forces like globalization and technology has brought the world closer to each other. Friendly ties and relations with states create massive challenges during times of conflict. The focus of the paper is on the crisis evolving in the Middle East region and the role of Pakistan in solving those crisis considering relations with its closest allies, political and financial circumstances, and its foreign policy principles. A qualitative research approach with desk analysis technique has been applied to analyse the role of Pakistan as a mediator for the conflict resolution among Middle Eastern countries. The research highlights how the disputes created great problems for Pakistan but it is still striving to resolve conflicts among Middle Eastern countries because maintaining peace and prosperity in the Muslim world has always been a top priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Krasiuk ◽  
◽  
Viktoriia Liepilova ◽  

In this paper we will consider the most relevant theoretical and practical aspects of the issue related to the problem of discrimination of women in Ukrainian labor law regarding their choice of profession. Vision of the role of men and women in society, their duties, prohibitions and rules were formed centuries ago, but such views have been reformed in accordance with the global development of society over the past decades. Scientific and technological progress has significantly improved the living conditions of people, including the process of working. However, the practice of countries applying restrictions on women's access to certain range of professions remains. In this regard, this article reflects the main aspects of the issue of limiting the opportunity of realizing women's labor abilities. Due attention is paid to gender-based occupational segregation, as well as gender discrimination at the legislative level. The reasons for implementing restrictions on women's access to certain professions are analyzed. The main factors that influenced the change in the position of the state on this issue are highlighted. The diametrically opposite positions and arguments on the issue of prohibition of certain types of work for women were investigated. The article examines the potential directions of state policy in the field of employment of women in heavy work and work with harmful and dangerous working conditions. The author concludes that the position of women and their status have changed which is due not only to legislative acts, political processes and achievements of scientific and technological progress, but also to changes that have taken place in the social consciousness.


Author(s):  
Christina Rowley ◽  
Jutta Weldes

This chapter examines the role of identity in constructing U.S. foreign policy. Using a critical social constructivist approach, it argues that particular conceptions of U.S. identity constitute U.S. interests, thus providing the foundations for foreign policy. After providing an overview of the influence of interests on foreign policy, the chapter considers the basic assumptions of critical social constructivism, taking into account the social construction of reality and the concepts of discourse and articulation. It then analyses discourses as sites of power, identity, and representation, along with the importance of identity in U.S. foreign policy. It also looks at U.S. presidents’ articulations of state identity and foreign policy over the last six decades.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Marguerite Deslauriers

Abstract Aristotle claims that the citizens of the best city should be both intelligent and spirited at Politics VII.7 1327b19-38. While he treats intelligence as an unqualified good, thumos (‘spirit’) is valuable but problematic. This paper has two aims: (i) to consider the political value of spirit in Aristotle’s Politics and in particular to identify the ways in which it is both essential to political excellence and yet insufficient for securing it, and (ii) to use this analysis of the role of spirit in the political realm to explain Aristotle’s exclusion of women from political authority, even in the context of the household. I analyze spirit as a physical phenomenon and as a type of desire, before considering its moral and affective aspects. I then return to the role of spirit in political life and examine its importance for the activity of ruling. In the last section I consider the implications of this analysis of spirit for the social and political roles Aristotle assigns to men and women.


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shams Al Din Al Hajjaji

AbstractThe social contract in Egypt has changed dramatically five times in the past decade. Mubarak made substantial amendments in 2005 and 2007, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) ratified the 2011 Constitutional Declaration, the Muslim Brotherhood adopted the 2012 Constitution and, finally, Al-Sisi/Mansur proclaimed the 2014 Constitution. Currently, Egypt faces social, economic, political and legal problems. The Egyptian judiciary plays a vital role in the inability to respond to these problems. This research argues that the call for judicial reform should be revived to face contemporary challenges. These challenges are the result of the absence of serious judicial reform in the past four decades. The 1973 Judicial Authority Law was a result of the social contract presented in the 1971 Constitution. The research lists the reasons for adopting a new judicial authority law. In the first section, the social aspect is embodied in the protection of freedoms, judicial transparency and judicial legitimacy. The second section dealing with economic reasons for reform is divided into two parts. The first deals with Independent Bodies and Regulatory Agencies. The second issue reveals the role of the judiciary in the successive failures of the IBRA. The third section deals with the role of the judiciary in political life. The fourth section presents the legal reasons for judicial reform.


1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henryk Wereszycki

The question of whether the Poles were an integrating or a disintegrating factor within the Habsburg monarchy has yet to be fully studied by Polish historians. Up to now they have concerned themselves mainly with the part played by the Austrian empire in the history of the Polish nation after the eighteenth century partitions and have overlooked the role of the Poles in the Austrian empire. They have concentrated their attention on the fate of the territories of the historic Polish state which fell under Habsburg rule and have studied the social, cultural, and political transformations which affected Galicia during the century and a half of Austrian domination. Polish historians have even studied the contributions made by former Habsburg subjects to the reconstruction of the Polish state after the dissolution of the monarchy, but they have rarely discussed the part which the Poles took in the political life of the multinational empire.


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