scholarly journals The transfer of state functions in the field of physical culture and sports to public organizations in the 1960s

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 588-599
Author(s):  
Egor A. Bogolyubov
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Public Organizations ◽  
Physical Culture ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Thaw Period ◽  
State Functions ◽  
State Body

The article examines public organizations that functioned and performed state functions in the field of physical culture and sports. Special attention is paid to previously little-studied issues of interaction of the Union of Sports Societies and Organizations of the USSR with state bodies. The source base of the article is the normative legal acts regulating the activities of this organization, as well as documents of the Kaliningrad regional Union of Sports Societies and Organizations that were not previously introduced into scientific circulation. The liberalization of public life during the Thaw period had a significant impact on the position of public organizations in the Soviet political system. The scientific literature of that time actively discussed the issues of involving citizens and public organizations in solving the problems facing the country. One form of such involvement was the transfer of state functions to public organizations. As a result, public organizations were able to make important decisions in a certain segment of the public sphere. The Union of Sports Societies and Organizations of the USSR became a unique organization that completely replaced the state body in the field of physical culture and sports. Based on the material studied, the author comes to the conclusion that the liquidation of the Union of Sports Societies and Organizations of the USSR in 1968 coincided with other processes aimed at curtailing liberal principles in the USSR. Almost 10 years of activity of this organization have shown that the transfer of state functions into the hands of the public is indeed possible.

The Dynamics of Egypt’s “Semi-opposition,” 2004–11

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political System ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.

scholarly journals The Normativity of Habermas’s Public Sphere from the Vantage Point of Its Evolution

2019 ◽  
pp. 47-65
Author(s):  
Maciej Hułas
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Private Property ◽  
The Public ◽  
Age Of Reason ◽  
Unique Character ◽  
Classical Setting ◽  
Bourgeois Culture ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Individual

The paper argues that the original normativity that provides the basis for Habermas’s model of the public sphere remains untouched at its core, despite having undergone some corrective alterations since the time of its first unveiling in the 1960s. This normative core is derived from two individual claims, historically articulated in the eighteenth-century’s “golden age” of reason and liberty as both sacred and self-evident: (1) the individual right to an unrestrained disposal of one’s private property; and (2) the individual right to formulate one’s opinion in the course of public debate. Habermas perceives the public sphere anchored to these two fundamental freedoms/rights as an arena of interactive opinion exchange with the capacity to solidly and reliably generate sound reason and public rationality. Despite its historical and cultural attachments to the bourgeois culture as its classical setting, Habermas’s model of the public sphere, due to its universal normativity, maintains its unique character, even if it has been thoroughly reformulated by social theories that run contrary to his original vision of the lifeworld, organized and ruled by autonomous rational individuals.     

scholarly journals The Two-Part Gender Revolution, Women’s Second Shift and Changing Cohort Fertility

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomas Frejka ◽  
Frances Goldscheider ◽  
Trude Lappegård
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
The Public ◽  
Employed Mothers ◽  
Cohort Fertility ◽  
Second Shift ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Gender Revolution

The two parts of the gender revolution have been evolving side by side at least since the 1960s. The first part, women’s entry into the public sphere, proceeded faster than the second part, men’s entry into the private sphere. Consequently, many employed mothers have carried a greater burden of paid and unpaid family support than fathers throughout the second half of the 20th century. This constituted women’s “second shift,” depressing fertility. A central focus of this paper is to establish second shift trends during the second half of the 20th century and their effects on fertility. Our analyses are based on data on cohort fertility, male and female labor force participation, and male and female domestic hours worked from 11 countries in Northern Europe, Western/central Europe, Southern Europe, and North America between 1960/70 and 2000/2014. We find that the gender revolution had not generated a turnaround, i.e. an increase in cohort fertility, by the end of the 20th century. Nevertheless, wherever the gender revolution has made progress in reducing women’s second shift, cohort fertility declined the least; where the second shift is large and/or has not been reduced, cohort fertility has declined the most.

scholarly journals Paternalism and the Public Household

2021 ◽  
pp. 179-211
Author(s):  
Maxime Desmarais-Tremblay
Keyword(s):  
Economic Thought ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Expenditures ◽  
Ancient Greek ◽  
The Public ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Public Economy

The ancient Greek conception of oikonomia is often dismissed as irrelevant for making sense of the contemporary economic world. In this paper, I emphasize a thread that runs through the history of economic thought connecting the oikos to modern public economics. By conceptualizing the public economy as a public household, Richard A. Musgrave (1910–2007) set foot in a long tradition of analogy between the practically oriented household and the state. Despite continuous references to the domestic model by major economists throughout the centuries, the analogy has clashed with liberal values associated with the public sphere since the eighteenth century. Musgrave’s conceptualization of public expenditures represents one episode of this continuing tension. His defense of merit goods, in particular, was rejected by many American economists in the 1960s because it was perceived as a paternalistic intervention by the state. I suggest that the accusation of paternalism should not come as a surprise once the “domestic” elements in Musgrave’s conceptualization of the public sector are highlighted. I develop three points of the analogy in Musgrave’s public household which echo recurring patterns of thought about the state.

Nobility

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Shovlin
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social Transformations ◽  
Economic Role ◽  
The Public ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Times ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
New Recruits

Historians of the Ancien Régime long viewed the nobility as a holdover from a feudal age, an antiquated breed condemned to a slow, and ultimately terminal, decline. Nobles were regarded as the casualties of secular political and social transformations: the rise of the absolutist state, which stripped them of political power; and economic transformations, which increased the relative wealth of non-nobles, and empowered them to challenge the nobility's supremacy. Since the 1960s, however, revisionist scholarship has almost entirely jettisoned this view. The nobility is now widely seen as a social group that participated massively in the processes of modernization that transformed seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Europe. Through its economic role and values, its service to the monarchical state, its openness to new recruits, and its engagement in the public sphere, the nobility moved with the times.

scholarly journals To advise and scrutinize the government? Two types of political knowledge, political trust and unconventional participation

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piotr Michalski ◽  
Marta Marchlewska ◽  
Aleksandra Furman ◽  
Dagmara Szczepańska ◽  
Orestis Panayiotou ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Complex Nature ◽  
Significant Interaction Effect ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Rules Of The Game

AbstractWell-functioning democracies depend on citizens’ ability to make accurate political judgments and express them in the public sphere. Thus, in this research, we aim to better understand the role of political knowledge and political trust in shaping young Poles’ willingness to engage in unconventional participation such as signing a petition, boycotting specific products, taking part in a peaceful demonstration, or engaging in social media activities. We distinguish between two types of political knowledge: knowledge about the rules of the game and current political knowledge, which provide a more insightful look into the complex nature of relationships between political knowledge, political trust, and unconventional participation. In two studies (Study 1, N = 570 and Study 2; N = 1048) we found that unconventional participation was positively predicted by political trust, and political knowledge about the rules of the game. We also found a significant interaction effect between political trust and current political knowledge, suggesting that those high in current political knowledge may be more willing to participate only when being distrustful towards the current political system. Implications and limitations of these findings are discussed.

Peter L. Berger et la sécularisation

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Éric Desautels
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Sacred Canopy ◽  
Religious Landscape

Discussions of the work of Peter L. Berger allow one to reclaim, to reflect and to critique his sociological thinking from a Quebecois point of view. His works, among which The Sacred Canopy (1967) is essential, open, more particularly, the door to reflection on the place of the religious in the public sphere at the beginning of the 21st century and likewise enable a response to the question of the rapid change in the religious landscape in Quebec since the end of the 1960s. In this article, we present a description of two theoretical positions developed by Peter L. Berger in the 20th century, one favourable to the thesis of secularization, the other unfavourable. These opposed positions and criticisms of them within intellectual circles will also be briefly considered. Through a typology developed from the transformation of the religious landscape in Quebec in the 20th century, questions will then be raised about recent studies on secularization in Quebec. The Quebecois case provides nuance for Berger’s classical conception, while challenging and explaining the evolution of his theoretical positions.

scholarly journals Ecotours and politics of fun in Iran: From contested state–society relations to emancipatory nature–society relations

2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (6) ◽  
pp. 1276-1291
Author(s):  
Simin Fadaee
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Human Nature ◽  
Political System ◽  
Original Research ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Public ◽  
Explicit Analysis ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article shows how nature–society relations in Iran’s burgeoning ecotourism industry are influenced by power-laden state–society relations and the state’s regulation of public space. Based on original research, this article demonstrates that ecotours operate as a means through which young middle-class residents of Tehran practise fun beyond the socio-political restrictions they face in the city’s public sphere. Non-human nature represents a safe setting for these ecotourists to engage in restricted ‘unislamic’ practices of self-expression and socialization. In other words, the non-human nature functions as a zone of transgression. This article provides an example of how the nature–society interface can provide opportunities to defy conservative social norms in a restricted socio-political system and it shows that the influence of political systems on nature–society relations requires more explicit analysis. Moreover, it enhances our understanding of everyday politics in a society where social conducts in the public sphere are heavily controlled.

The pornographic mirror: Sexual performances and sexual personas in academia

Sexualities ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 136346071986183
Author(s):  
Katrien Jacobs
Keyword(s):  
San Francisco ◽  
Sexual Behaviors ◽  
Online Dating ◽  
Positive Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sexually Explicit ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
Sex Positive

This article makes a case for sex-positive research and pedagogy that acknowledges and hence reflects on the researcher’s use of a “pornographic mirror,” a critical and consensual engagement with erotic and pornographic (self-)imagery that opens up bodily sensations and analysis in the public sphere. The article will do so by means of examples of research in which scholars were able to successfully test out such corporeal-driven scholarship and use of porn images. In the first example, the author interviewed an older generation of sex educators in San Francisco, who in the 1960s/1970s pioneered the idea that students could perform and analyze their own sexual behaviors by acting in, and reflecting on, sexually explicit movies, an idea which has also been incorporated into contemporary feminist and queer pornography. This historical moment in radical pedagogy is extended into a contemporary example of sex-positive research about online dating, in which the author comments on her use of sex chat and sexual self-imagery to dissect the online dating site adultfriendfinder.com.

Legitimating reason or self-created uncertainty? Public opinion as an observer of modern politics

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 143 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giancarlo Corsi
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Systems Theory ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Public ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
The Public Sphere

Theoretical approaches to public opinion are hard to find in the sociological literature, with the exception of the seminal work of Jürgen Habermas. One important alternative, although almost unknown in the English-speaking world, is offered in a few contributions by the systems theoretician Niklas Luhmann. Both critical theory and systems theory start from a historical analysis of the conditions that led to the rise of a public sphere and understand its function as the limitation and control of the arbitrariness of power. Critical theory considers the public sphere as a social space where citizens can (or should) participate and discuss freely and without constraints. Thus, it legitimizes political power. Systems theory presents a completely different concept of the public sphere and conceives of it in terms of second-order observation. Through public opinion the modern political system observes itself and stimulates as well as limits its decision-making processes. This paper argues that both approaches share the idea that the political system, like every other social subsystem, must generate a system-specific uncertainty (i.e. specific conditions that it cannot control) in order to limit its own arbitrariness and to be able to develop its decision-making potential. Both approaches locate this uncertainty in the sphere of public opinion. But they radically differ in the way they conceptualize public opinion’s effects on modern politics. Such differences between critical theory and systems theory are illustrated by an analysis of recent political events.

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