scholarly journals To advise and scrutinize the government? Two types of political knowledge, political trust and unconventional participation

Author(s):  
Piotr Michalski ◽  
Marta Marchlewska ◽  
Aleksandra Furman ◽  
Dagmara Szczepańska ◽  
Orestis Panayiotou ◽  
...  

AbstractWell-functioning democracies depend on citizens’ ability to make accurate political judgments and express them in the public sphere. Thus, in this research, we aim to better understand the role of political knowledge and political trust in shaping young Poles’ willingness to engage in unconventional participation such as signing a petition, boycotting specific products, taking part in a peaceful demonstration, or engaging in social media activities. We distinguish between two types of political knowledge: knowledge about the rules of the game and current political knowledge, which provide a more insightful look into the complex nature of relationships between political knowledge, political trust, and unconventional participation. In two studies (Study 1, N = 570 and Study 2; N = 1048) we found that unconventional participation was positively predicted by political trust, and political knowledge about the rules of the game. We also found a significant interaction effect between political trust and current political knowledge, suggesting that those high in current political knowledge may be more willing to participate only when being distrustful towards the current political system. Implications and limitations of these findings are discussed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Derselli P. Silitonga

Abstract. Domestic violence is an issue that is considered a private household problem so it cannot merely be handled by the government or the authorities. For this reason, this study aimed to describe the important role of pastoral care in dealing with domestic violence. The method used in this research was descriptive qualitative research method. Data was collected through observation, interview and literature study and analyzed in depth and described descriptively. The result was that pastoral care is an effective way to deal with the problem of domestic violence by not bringing it into the public sphere and creating peace between husband and wife.Abstrak. Kekerasan dalam rumah tangga merupakan isu yang dianggap sebagai persoalan privat rumah tangga sehingga tidak begitu saja dapat ditangani oleh pemerintah atau pihak yang berwajib. Untuk itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran pentingnya peran pelayanan pastoral dalam menangani masalah kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Data-data dikumpulkan melalui observasi, wawancara dan studi kepustakaan serta dianalisa secara mendalam dan diuraikan secara deskriptif. Hasilnya adalah pelayanan pastoral merupakan cara yang efektif untuk menangani masalah kekerasan dalam rumah tangga oleh karena tidak membawanya ke ranah publik dan menciptakan perdamaian di antara suami istri.


2021 ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Pippa Virdee

‘Consolidation and fragmentation’ recounts how the government of Pakistan has shifted back and forth from democracy and military rule to secular state and religious state from the time the country was created. For the democratically elected rulers of Pakistan, it has always been a case of holding onto power. As a result, institutional structures, party politics, and the public sphere of Pakistan weakened and eroded, while the crucial role of the army was strengthened. Pakistan's army was strengthened and consolidated by a civil bureaucracy of client–patron networks. The army–bureaucracy nexus formed the cornerstone of Pakistan that made it into an Islamic nation-state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Susilo

After 1999, Indonesia's Media became grown up. It is the implication of the fallen of the authoritarian regime, Suharto. The growth has another side effect about trends of media conglomeration. Indonesian Media Conglomerate such as Tanoesoedibjo, Tandjung, Paloh and Bakrie also have the background as a politician. Mass media are an efficient tool to change the mind of people.  Mass society theory makes several basic assumptions about individuals, the role of media, and the nature of social change. Media owner used their media for preserving his political influences. Facing this situation, Indonesian regulation about media ownership ignored by media owners. They used their power in the political area to get away from the regulation. Whereas, in Indonesian Law Number 32, issued on 2002 about Broadcasting Media, Especially on Chapter 36 verse 4 states, "broadcast content must be maintained neutrality and should not put the interests of a group". Many complain from the media audience, but no action from the government. The regulator doesn't enforce the law, especially at Broadcast Media. Most of the press uses the public sphere, who design for democratisation process, not for individual or political party's interest. Keywords: media conglomeration, Indonesia, Politics


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 500-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Galnoor

AbstractJudicialization in this article is the predisposition to find a solution in adjudication to types of dispute that had been settled previously in a socio-economic-political framework. “Legislative judicialization” (or over-legalization) is also a predisposition according to which the variegated spheres of our lives need to be regulated through a formal code of laws. In the political arena the questions relating to judicialization are: Is the assumption that legal decisions are able to save politics – mainly democratic values and abiding by the derived rules of the game – a valid one? Can one institution of the political system (broadly defined) – the law court – rescue the two other, the parliament and the government, in difficult times? Assuming that “successful” intervention by the judicial institution will cause the other two to abide strictly by the rule of law, could it at the same time curb their effective steering capacity, which is their main task? And conversely, if the steering capacity and the leadership ability to make “good” decisions are so flimsy – would it not be desirable to have judicial review to ensure that the political institutions at least make “proper” decisions that are not extremely unreasonable? These are the main questions discussed in this article.The findings regarding the judicialization of politics point out not only to the eagerness of the law courts, but mainly to the weakening of the political system, to the point where the Knesset, the Government and the political parties find it most difficult to function without the assistance given them by the law courts. And yet, did the judicial branch “save” the other two branches? Obviously, this has not happened thus far. In Israel, a profound democratic deficit exists in the political system due to the fact, among other things, that the political institutions are incapable of coping with the continuing internal and external crises. In Israeli society, judicialization is but a symptom of a wide-ranging predicament that requires a richer bill of fare than more laws and more adjudication. It consists of: the social grounding of democratic values; renewal of trust and confidence in the political institutions; strengthening the political parties; recognition of the contribution of civil organizations and the media; strengthening the local authorities, and more. This is the real arena, because there is a breaking point to the over-judicialization of the public sphere beyond which lies total anarchy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-217
Author(s):  
Tomasz Sochański

This study aims to highlight the role of education in a democratic society in the political philosophy of Nicolas de Condorcet. Condorcet refuted legitimising political power on the idea of general will and postulated to replace it with the notion of reason and probability of truth. This assumption tightly linked the wellbeing of democracy with a public education system which, on the one hand, was to prepare citizens to take an active role in the public sphere, and on the other, allow them to improve the political system in which they function in accordance with the progress of the human spirit.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Anne Elisabeth Sejten

The quarrel between Rousseau and Diderot – these inseparable friends only to become enemies – constitutes a legendary topos of philosophical breaks-ups over-shadowed by wicked slander. If Rousseau’s famous Letter to d’Alembert in 1758 traces his growing disagreement with the inner circle of encyclopaedists, further confrontations seem lost in mean accusations that discredit both sides. However, when digging a little deeper in the texts on both sides, it is not only possible to reconstruct different views about philosopher’s morality, but also to relate to the complex nature that characterised the public sphere in eighteenth century France. The purpose of this paper is exactly to examine the respective positions of Rousseau and Diderot as distorted voices in a society, in which the public sphere was actually more private than public. The first part of the study draws on the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas’ seminal work on the transformation that affected the public sphere along European bourgeois countries in quite different ways during the eighteenth century. French salon culture and its essentially private spaces urged Rousseau and Diderot to invent original writing strategies in order to justify themselves. The second and major part of the paper, accordingly aims at analysing their literary choices, Rousseau in reinventing the autobiographical approach, Diderot by writing on the Roman stoic philosopher Seneca. Both philosophers are extremely aware of the need to protect their philosophical legacy and, in doing so, each is eventually playing the role of the contra-model of the other when facing the question of moral and intellectual integrity.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Fabiszak ◽  
Marta Gruszecka ◽  
Anna Weronika Brzezińska

Abstract Historical politics is usually an institutionalised top-down phenomenon, in which the government or the cultural elites selectively formulate a historical narrative to unify and homogenize the imagined nation-state. Yet, there are also grassroots movements in the public sphere, which participate in the uses and abuses of history for identity politics. We focus on one such case: the football supporters’ commemoration activism. While football supporters’ social activism and the role of football matches as lieux de mémoire have received significant scholarly interest, their commemoration activism is as yet poorly described. In this paper we investigate how two regional newspapers of differing political position report this issue. The DHA-inspired qualitative analysis shows that Gazeta Wyborcza writes about it relatively rarely and views it as an appropriation of collective memory. Głos Wielkopolski on the other hand constructs football supporters as a rejuvenating force in local identity and memory politics.


Author(s):  
Joyce Omwoha

Dahlberg (2013) identifies mediated networks of daily rational debates across political divides and the imagined or actual norm that is implicit in all debates as two strands of Habermasian public sphere definitions. The ‘normative' aspect of Habermas' public sphere theory is particularly relevant to this chapter because of its wide use in the analysis of communicative practice in democratic processes (Dahlberg 2013:4). Talk radio shows, as mediated spheres identified by Dahlberg, act as public spheres for carrying out various debates. Through Dahlberg's assertion, this chapter will interrogate the concept of good governance with reference to participation by the public, transparency and accountability by the government to the public and how these aspects are likely to enhance fundamental democratic practices and their ultimate involvement in governing of the country. The chapter uses Jürgen Habermas' theory of the public sphere to demonstrate the importance of the application of the concept in the critical appreciation of the role of talk radio in Kenya's democratization. In Kenya's public sphere, Jambo Kenya, a talk radio program aired on Radio Citizen, will be used in seeking out the role of talk radio as a public sphere. Jambo Kenya is arguably a program that acts as a relevant forum that carries out rational debates on fundamental democratic practices. These practices, as articulated in the program's themes include freedom of expression, the informed and the not- so-informed participants, right of access to public information, rule of law, checks and balances on power, human rights, and respect for minorities in the society, nationhood, citizenship, corruption and their ultimate involvement in governing of the country. To effectively investigate the content mediated by Jambo Kenya, this chapter will not only focus on the content surrounding the legitimacy of government but also the effectiveness of government by focusing on issues of abuse of power and corruption as impediments to democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siti Asiyah ◽  
Arif Chasanudin

<p><em>Abstract</em></p><p><em>Political Da'wah at the Islamic boarding school (pesantren) is an interesting theme that needs to be discussed. Many people have a perception that Islamic boarding school and Political Da'wah are separated from each other. The purpose of this study was to analyze the efforts of Hasyim Asy'ari Islamic Boarding School in embed political da'wah to students and the role of caregivers in applying political da'wah towards students and the community. This research was conducted with a historical qualitative approach. The results of this study are, Islamic Boarding School Hasyim Asy'ari in an effort to embed Political Da'wah to students by (1) learning about leadership and politics in pesantren, (2) conducting leadership training, (3) applying political culture. In addition, the role of caregivers (pengasuh) in carrying out Political Da'wah to students (santri) is seen in religious teaching by embedding spiritual, moral and social values as a provision for students to face social life. The role of caregivers in carrying out political da'wah to the public is by serving as an official in the government, caregivers are able to provide knowledge to the public about the importance of politics and the political system of the country, the role of government in making policies, and participation in political activities (balanced between rights and obligations as citizens), so that the public is aware of the importance of politics and is able to choose leaders who are competent and trustworthy.</em><br /><em>Keywords: Islamic boarding school, da’wa, politics</em></p><p>Abstrak<br />Dakwah Politik yang di lakukan di pondok pesantren menjadi tema menarik yang perlu dibahas karena banyak orang memiliki persepsi bahwa pondok pesantren dan dakwah politik memiliki sekat yang tidak mampu disatukan. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah melakukan analisis terhadap upaya Pondok Pesantren Hasyim Asy’ari dalam penanaman dakwah politik kepada santri serta peran pengasuh dalam menerapkan dakwah politik kepada santri dan masyarakat. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan kualitattif historis. Hasil kajian ini membuktikan bahwa, Pondok Pesantren Hasyim Asy’ari dalam upaya penanaman dakwah politik kepada santri dengan cara (1) melakukan pembelajaran tentang kepemimpinan dan politik di pesantren, (2) mengadakan pelatihan kepemimpinan, (3) menerapkan budaya politik. Selain itu, peranan pengasuh dalam melakukan dakwah politik kepada santri dapat dilihat dalam mengajarkan pendidikan agama dengan menanamkan nilai-nilai spiritual, moral dan sosial kemasyarakatan sebagai bekal santri dalam menghadapi kehidupan bermasyarakat. Adapun peranan pegasuh dalam melakukan dakwah politik kepada masyarakat yaitu dengan mengabdikan diri sebagai pejabat di pemerintahan, pengasuh mampu memberikan pengetahuan kepada masyarakat tentang pentingnya politik dan sistem politik negara, peran pemerintah dalam membuat kebijakan, serta pasrtisipasi dalam kegiatan politik (seimbang antara hak dan kewajiban sebagai warga negara), sehingga masyarakat sadar akan pentingnya politik dan mampu memilih pemimpin yang kompeten dan amanah. <br />Kata kunci: Pondok Pesantren, dakwah, politik</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.


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