scholarly journals International Aspects of Separatism in Contemporary Biafra

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-757
Author(s):  
Tatyana S. Denisova ◽  
Sergey V. Kostelyanets

In the 21st century, the world at large and Africa in particular have encountered the rise of separatism, which has become one of the major challenges to stability. In Africa, over 20 countries face separatist movements, some of which demand full secession, while the rest - greater autonomy within the existing state. Most of Africas secessionist projects remain insignificant in scope and ineffectual, largely due to the absence or weakness of external support for separatists and to the commitment of the international community to preserve, with rare exceptions, the territorial integrity of states. The paper analyzes the reasons for the revival of the movement for the secession of Biafra decades after the end of the civil war between the central government of Nigeria and the separatists and looks into the international aspects that could fuel the conflict and exacerbate the military-political situation in West Africa, which is already turbulent due to the activities of Boko Haram terrorist group, other Islamist groupings in the Sahel, Cameroonian separatists of Ambazonia, etc. The present paper attempts to fill the gap in Russian Africanist literature on the current situation in Biafra, which is especially urgent due to the growing threat of separatism in Africa. Employing the historical approach, the authors analyze the nature of external involvement in the 1967-1970 Nigerian conflict, as well as methods of contemporary Biafran separatists, who seek international support. The paper concludes that due to various internal circumstances, as well as the practical lack of external material assistance, the establishment of a new Republic of Biafra will remain a utopian project for at least a decade, although separatist sentiments is likely to spread and hinder the achievement of internal political stability in West Africa, which is ridden with an increasing number of hot spots.

Author(s):  
David Cook

Since it erupted onto the world stage in 2009, people have asked, what is Boko Haram, and what does it stand for? Is there a coherent vision or set of beliefs behind it? Despite the growing literature about the group, few if any attempts have been made to answer these questions, even though Boko Haram is but the latest in a long line of millenarian Muslim reform groups to emerge in Northern Nigeria over the last two centuries. The Boko Haram Reader offers an unprecedented collection of essential texts, documents, videos, audio, and nashids (martial hymns), translated into English from Hausa, Arabic and Kanuri, tracing the group's origins, history, and evolution. Its editors, two Nigerian scholars, reveal how Boko Haram's leaders manipulate Islamic theology for the legitimization, radicalization, indoctrination and dissemination of their ideas across West Africa. Mandatory reading for anyone wishing to grasp the underpinnings of Boko Haram's insurgency, particularly how the group strives to delegitimize its rivals and establish its beliefs as a dominant strand of Islamic thought in West Africa's religious marketplace.


Author(s):  
Danilo Mandić

This chapter focuses on West Africa during 1989–2019. West Africa's transnational smuggling enterprises are hardly a novelty — or as menacing as they sound. Troc, or barter trade, is a way of life that preceded and survived colonialism. Commerce is known as al-frud, from the French fraude (fraud), reflecting the World War II-era tradition of regional smuggling. What is new in the globalized period is that mafias in five nations — and just as many budding ones — have played formative roles in regional politics. Three of the host states (Mali, Senegal, and Nigeria) were significantly torn by ethnocentric, separatist-controlled rackets in drugs and migrants (Azawad), marijuana (Casamance), and extortion (Boko Haram). Nigeria employed ethnocentric Niger Delta mafias to fight its northern separatists. In Niger's Agadez and Cameroon's Ambazonia, however, organized crime promoted cohesion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1 (179)) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Jacek Knopek

Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West Africa The article points to the stay and activity of Poles in West Africa since the first links were forged until the present day. Initially they were present there as sailors serving under foreign flags. Later they were joined by the military and sailors who found themselves abroad. In the 19th c. and the interwar period, Polish civilian emigrants arrived there, although only as individuals. Another group were military emigrants who were present in the German colonial army and served in the French Foreign Legion. A larger group consisted of soldiers and officers of the Polish Army who were evacuated to Great Britain after 1939. Together with British soldiers, they transported planes from West Africa to Egypt, and then the planes fought against German troops. After completing their tasks, they returned to the European continent. The establishment of Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West Africa occurred after World War II. It was then that a small number of war emigrants concentrated there, along with Polish specialists, scientific and technical staff as well as missionaries, Polish-African families and representatives of Polish diaspora from other parts of the world. Until 1989, West African countries employed about 5 thousand specialists, and some of them were accompanied by families. The importance of scientific and technical staff declined after the fall of the communist regime. Since then, only a few specialists have gone to this region of the world. Contemporary Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West African countries are small, together constituting a community of about 700 people. Almost half of them have found a place to live or work in Nigeria, which has the largest economy and population. Other countries have much smaller communities. Streszczenie W artykule wskazuje się na pobyt i działalność Polaków w Afryce Zachodniej począwszy od pierwszych kontaktów aż do współczesności. Początkowo byli tam obecni jako żeglarze pływający pod banderami państw obcych. Później dołączyli do nich wojskowi i marynarze, którzy znaleźli się poza granicami kraju. W XIX w. i okresie międzywojennym dotarli tam polscy emigranci cywilni, były to jednak pojedyncze osoby. Inną grupę stanowili emigranci wojskowi, którzy obecni byli w niemieckich wojskach kolonialnych oraz służbę swą odbywali we francuskiej Legii Cudzoziemskiej. Większą liczebnie grupę stanowili żołnierze i oficerowie Wojska Polskiego, którzy po 1939 r. zostali ewakuowani do Wielkiej Brytanii. Z żołnierzami brytyjskimi transportowali samoloty z Afryki Zachodniej do Egiptu, które następnie walczyły z wojskami niemieckimi. Po wykonaniu swoich zadań wracali oni na kontynent europejski. Do powstania społeczności polskich i polonijnych w Afryce Zachodniej doszło po II wojnie światowej. To wówczas skupiła się tam nieliczna emigracja wojenna, zaczęli tam docierać polscy specjaliści i kadry naukowo-techniczne znad Wisły, przybywali misjonarze i misjonarki, polsko-afrykańskie rodziny oraz przedstawiciele Polonii z innych części świata. Do 1989 r. w krajach zachodnioafrykańskich zatrudnionych było ok. 5 tys. specjalistów, a niektórym z nich towarzyszyły rodziny. Znaczenie kadr naukowo-technicznych zmalało po transformacji systemowej. Odtąd nieliczni specjaliści udawali się do tego regionu świata. Współczesne skupiska polskie i polonijne w państwach Afryki Zachodniej należą do niewielkich, albowiem łącznie stanowią zbiorowość ok. 700-osobową. Niemal połowa z nich znalazła miejsce zamieszkania bądź zatrudnienia w Nigerii, który to kraj posiada największą gospodarkę oraz dysponuje najliczniejszą populacją. W innych krajach przebywają społeczności dużo mniejsze.


2020 ◽  
pp. 61-75
Author(s):  
Matviienko Matviienko ◽  
Mykola Doroshko

The article describes the internal political situation in the UPR and Poland before the conclusion of the Treaty of Warsaw in 1920. The authors argue that in the context of the end of World War I and the rebuilding of the world geopolitical order the UPR and the Republic of Poland were destined to establish allied relations with a view to strengthening their restored statehood and ensuring security in the Baltic-Black Sea region. However, the signature of the Treaty of Warsaw failed to preserve stable interstate cooperation between Ukraine and Poland due to a range of internal political and external factors. This situation cast a shadow over the preservation of the independence of the UPR and Ukrainian-Polish partnership. The military and political alliance of Ukraine and Poland broke apart due to inextricable external and internal aspects. It was a rearguard action and could not struggle against the strengthened Bolshevist Russia without the support of the Entente states. In the meantime, the 1920 Treaty of Warsaw was significant not only for Ukrainians who continued to fight for the independence of the UPR with the assistance of Poland until the end of 1921. The authors assume that the joint opposition of Ukraine and Poland in the summer of 1920 dashed the Kremlin’s marches on Poland, Romania, and Germany that could turn into a tragedy for those states and Europe as a whole. The authors stress that the Baltic states such as Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania gained their independence because of the military and political alliance of Ukraine and Poland and its struggle against the Bolshevist Russia. Poland got a chance to strengthen its statehood, as Moscow was significantly weakened by the war with the UPR and peasants’ insurrections in Ukraine. Keywords: UPR, Republic of Poland, Entente, Treaty of Warsaw, allied relations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
Alexander Bartosh

Serious changes in the military and political situation in Europe and the world are pushing the leadership of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to find new ways to adapt the Alliance to the realities of today.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Victor Ojakorotu ◽  
Adewole Ayodeji Adeleke

The role of Nigeria in conflict resolution and peacekeeping efforts in Africa and other parts of the world cannot be overemphasised. The country has contributed more than 200,000 soldiers to peacekeeping missions around the world since independence. These efforts have earned it much respect in the council of nations and the recognition as being the ‘giant of Africa’. Also, Nigeria has been regarded as a ‘regional hegemon’ by some scholars because of its population size, comparatively large economic and human resources, and a bigger and well-equipped armed forces, equal in numerical strength to the armed forces of all the other countries in West Africa combined. The country played a very important role at spearheading the formation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in the 1990s. It has contributed the highest fund in defraying the costs of ECOMOG deployment to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Cote d’Ivoire and Mali. This study analyses the hegemonic tendencies of Nigeria in the sub-region of West Africa. It argues that although the country is the most populous and the biggest economy in the sub-region but it does not possess the military, economic and the international support to function as a hegemonic power in West Africa.


Author(s):  
Sholpan Zabikh

In this article, the author analyzes the difficult situation in the world associated with the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic negatively affected all spheres of human life and significantly worsened the economic condition of many states. Their governments have spent colossal funds to combat the coronavirus pandemic, improve their economies, and stabilize the political situation in the world. The author analyzes laws and regulations adopted by the Republic of Kazakhstan, aimed at combating the spread of the coronavirus, improving the social and political situation in the country. The coronavirus pandemic has had a negative impact on business. Thus, companies in various sectors began to close, and many people lost their jobs. That has led to further deterioration in the social and political situation in the country. Therefore, laws were adopted to stabilize the situation in Kazakhstan. The author also examines the experience of other states in the fight against the coronavirus pandemic and conducts a comparative analysis.


rahatulquloob ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 110-138
Author(s):  
Prof. Dr. Muhammad Mushtaq Kalota

Pakistan is an Ideological country, there are only two ideological states in the world. First one was Madinah (Saudi Arabia) and the second one is Pakistan. Political situation in our country is worst. There is no any stability in political situation. From its existence Pakistan is facing different problems and issues. In this research article, will try to draw reasons and will table solutions to get political stability in Pakistan.


2020 ◽  
pp. 451-468
Author(s):  
I. V. Skipina ◽  
V. V. Moskovkin

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of presentation of the phenomenon of “Perm disaster” by modern researchers of the Civil War in Russia. The purpose of the article is to analyze publications published in the last decade on the history of the military operation near Perm in December 1918, to summarize and determine the prospects for studying this issue. It is noted that historians have established the causes, course and results of the operation. It is reported that today it is seen as a prologue to a cardinal change in the situation on the Eastern Front. The authors claim that as a result of the Perm operation, contemporaries witnessed not only the defeat of the Red Army, but also the manifestation of the power of the Bolshevik dictatorship. The conclusions made by researchers are summarized: Permian events led to an aggravation of the military, socio-economic, and political situation on the Eastern Front and had a negative impact on everyday life. It is shown how modern historians have determined the significance of these events for their participants: the Bolsheviks came to the decision to intensify terror, the white - to the conclusion that a general offensive was necessary, the population - to the understanding of the world as the most important life value. It is emphasized that the most promising in the study of the topic has become an integrated approach based on the rejection of politicization and myth-making of the revolutionary past.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Kurowiak

AbstractAs a work of propaganda, graphics Austroseraphicum Coelum Paulus Pontius should create a new reality, make appearances. The main impression while seeing the graphics is the admiration for the power of Habsburgs, which interacts with the power of the Mother of God. She, in turn, refers the viewer to God, as well as Franciscans placed on the graphic, they become a symbol of the Church. This is a starting point for further interpretation of the drawing. By the presence of certain characters, allegories, symbols, we can see references to a particular political situation in the Netherlands - the war with the northern provinces of Spain. The message of the graphic is: the Spanish Habsburgs, commissioned by the mission of God, they are able to fight all of the enemies, especially Protestants, with the help of Immaculate and the Franciscans. The main aim of the graphic is to convince the viewer that this will happen and to create in his mind a vision of the new reality. But Spain was in the seventeenth century nothing but a shadow of former itself (in the time of Philip IV the general condition of Spain get worse). That was the reason why they wanted to hold the belief that the empire continues unwavering. The form of this work (graphics), also allowed to export them around the world, and the ambiguity of the symbolic system, its contents relate to different contexts, and as a result, the Habsburgs, not only Spanish, they could promote their strength everywhere. Therefore it was used very well as a single work of propaganda, as well as a part of a broader campaign


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