scholarly journals THE ORIGIN OF AN IMPERIAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE UNITED STATES

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-281
Author(s):  
Valeria I Spiridonova

The article examines the origins of Imperial discourse formation in American political culture and geopolitics. At the end of XX - beginning of XXI century it took disguised forms - “nonterritorial Empire”, “informal Empire”, “positive Empire”, “cultural hegemony”. The latency of the US Imperial consciousness is due to a number of reasons. First, the historical fact of the struggle for liberation from the colonial rule of Britain left a deep trace in the “political imaginary” of the American people and gave rise to the belief that the United States itself has never been, is not and cannot be an Empire. The second factor was the semantic evolution that occurred in the American interpretation of power. In fact, America has not passed the historical path that developed the idea of a “monopoly on legitimate violence” in Europe. The idea of “dispersal” of power has rooted in the public consciousness the priority of the power factor, coupled with the admissibility of the use of force at own discretion. Inside, both motives were regarded by the public consciousness as democratic. The third component of imperialism became a powerful Messianic argument, the belief in the special destiny of the American nation to create an ideal society This Faith brought with them in the “terra nullis” (on “no man's land”) immigrants of the New World. This thesis has become fundamental to the public opinion and to all the leaders of America. The justification of the concept of “soft power” and “cultural hegemony” did not detract from the importance of the “power factor”, which gave rise to new forms of imperialism - the deployment of military bases and economic dictatorship. The range of American domination is characterized by great flexibility - from mutually beneficial cooperation in Europe (“Empire by invitation”) to direct military intervention into the “rogue States”.

Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thu Thi Dang Mai

<p>The idea of soft power has emerged since the beginning years of the 21st century and it has caught attention of many scholars and political leaders of the world. Cultural diplomacy is an instrument utilized by governments to attract the governments and the public of other countries, especially through cultural activities. Studies on soft power and cultural diplomacy have been carried out in different countries such as the United States (the U.S.), China, Japan, South Korea, India, Canada, Australia and so on. However, there are not many works on soft power and cultural diplomacy of small country like Vietnam in both Vietnamese and English literature. This thesis attempts to provide a more in-depth analysis on how Vietnam has carried out its cultural diplomacy in order to enhance its soft power in Asia. The thesis sets up a framework for the analysis of Vietnam’s soft power and cultural diplomacy with theories in international relations as well as with examples from the United States, China, Japan and South Korea. In the next parts, Vietnam’s soft power and cultural diplomacy will be analyzed in specific details. Vietnamese cultural diplomacy towards ASEAN will also be discussed in the last part of the thesis as a case study for a better understanding of Vietnam’s soft power and cultural diplomacy in general.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-74
Author(s):  
Montserrat Huguet

Criticism to the system is a core place in the US American culture.The self-criticism gets its roots in the permanent restlessness of the American People, in their fears, in their dissatisfaction, and even in their insane self-destructive behabiour. Many episodes in the American history have worked out from attitudes of paranoia, disgust or anger towards communities or the public administration. The natural rhythm of society in the United States is far from acceptance and calm. On the contrary, the US history is defined by restlessnees and doubious sentiments. Thus, one might think that the American dream is fundamentally a state of permanent crisis in which people, unable to deal with their present vital conditions, transmute these conditions into havoc and creation. In the pages of this article, a breaf tour into the historical and cultural trend of discouragement is offered. It also pays attention to the American ability to self-analyze its own historical experiences. The fictionated stories, that come from the imagination but also from people’s voices and memories, convey a sense of dissatisfaction and of struggle to improve the American way of behaving. Those citizens, especially uncomfortable with themselves or with the administration, may not be aware that they are precisely those who constitute the best US image abroad. In the ostentation of a self- criticism, of a subversive thought, these Americans, opposed to the official positions,feature the virtue of the relentless self-purge.Therefore,looking at past and present times, this paper is composed by six related arguments that rely on both historical events and fictionated stories, with the titles of: “Under the paranoid style”; “The angry nation”, “Hate: Public Limited Company”, “Images of anger”, “Guilty, ashamed and redeemed”, and “The legacy of disenchantment”.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1952 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-354
Author(s):  
PAUL B. MAGNUSON

When I received your kind invitation to give the annual Trimble lecture, I wrote Dr. Compton that I had several pretty sound medical papers worked up on the causes of pain in the lower back—I've been working in that field for more than 40 years—but that the ladies might be much more interested in some information on the President's Commission on the Health Needs of the Nation. So, in deference to the ladies, I am going to talk about the latter topic. Last November, without a word of warning I got a call from the White House that the President of the United States wanted to see me. I took the train from Chicago that night, and the next morning met with the President. The President laid the cards right on the table. He said he was deeply concerned with the health of the American people in these trying days of all-out-mobilization. He said he had made certain proposals to bring more and better medical care to the people, but these proposals had precipitated an emotional argument which clouded the issue. The President said he was not necessarily committed to any one plan—if any group could come up with a better series of proposals than the ones he advocated, he would be the first to support them if they would insure better health for all the people. For that reason, he said, he had decided after long deliberation to set up a Presidential Commission to get at the facts. He offered me the chairmanship, and promised me an absolutely free hand in choosing the members of the Commission.


Author(s):  
Patrick Ryan Lee ◽  
Melanie B. Richards ◽  
Robert Andrew Dunn

In this analysis of public speeches from four American presidents from the Republican Party, the ways in which those presidents discuss and position American defense activities and stances are examined to track the progression from the 1960s to the present. Presidents chosen were from one party who also presided over a period of protracted armed conflict or cold war. The addresses analyzed comprised public addresses to congress or the American people. The analysis groups recurring frames for each president. Some frames were more salient for certain presidents than for others. Other frames were common and consistently pervaded the presidents' remarks to congress and the public. America's struggle against a faceless enemy, American military might as a guarantor of peace, and the importance of the United States' commitments to its international partners were all prevailing frames which emerged in the analysis.


2002 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 1202-1214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Raphael

In this review, I summarize and offer thoughts about two arguments key to Glenn Loury's analysis of the anatomy of racial inequality. The first concerns the idea that many negative stereotypes held about blacks in the United States are self-fulfilling, despite little evidence of inherent differences between the races in human potential. The second argument concerns the proposition that the racial stigmatization of blacks is deeply embedded in the public consciousness and that such stigma racially biases socially cognitive processes to the severe detriment of African-Americans.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thu Thi Dang Mai

<p>The idea of soft power has emerged since the beginning years of the 21st century and it has caught attention of many scholars and political leaders of the world. Cultural diplomacy is an instrument utilized by governments to attract the governments and the public of other countries, especially through cultural activities. Studies on soft power and cultural diplomacy have been carried out in different countries such as the United States (the U.S.), China, Japan, South Korea, India, Canada, Australia and so on. However, there are not many works on soft power and cultural diplomacy of small country like Vietnam in both Vietnamese and English literature. This thesis attempts to provide a more in-depth analysis on how Vietnam has carried out its cultural diplomacy in order to enhance its soft power in Asia. The thesis sets up a framework for the analysis of Vietnam’s soft power and cultural diplomacy with theories in international relations as well as with examples from the United States, China, Japan and South Korea. In the next parts, Vietnam’s soft power and cultural diplomacy will be analyzed in specific details. Vietnamese cultural diplomacy towards ASEAN will also be discussed in the last part of the thesis as a case study for a better understanding of Vietnam’s soft power and cultural diplomacy in general.</p>


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 643-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Field Haviland

The United States was the principal architect and builder of the United Nations, and the great mass of the American people welcomed the new edifice with enthusiasm and high—perhaps too high—hopes for a new world. Now, two decades and many crises later, United States opinion is wiser and more ambivalent. A large majority of the public still gives general support to the United Nations, but its enthusiasm is tempered by experience, and a vociferous minority holds views ranging from biting criticism to total rejection.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


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