The Words of War

2021 ◽  
pp. 295-319
Author(s):  
Patrick Ryan Lee ◽  
Melanie B. Richards ◽  
Robert Andrew Dunn
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
American People ◽  
American Military ◽  
The Public ◽  
The 1960S

In this analysis of public speeches from four American presidents from the Republican Party, the ways in which those presidents discuss and position American defense activities and stances are examined to track the progression from the 1960s to the present. Presidents chosen were from one party who also presided over a period of protracted armed conflict or cold war. The addresses analyzed comprised public addresses to congress or the American people. The analysis groups recurring frames for each president. Some frames were more salient for certain presidents than for others. Other frames were common and consistently pervaded the presidents' remarks to congress and the public. America's struggle against a faceless enemy, American military might as a guarantor of peace, and the importance of the United States' commitments to its international partners were all prevailing frames which emerged in the analysis.

The New Economic Populism and the Future of Inequality in the United States

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Labor Unions ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
Income Disparities ◽  
The Face ◽  
Over Time

The authors conclude the book by recapping their arguments and empirical results, and discussing the possibilities for the “new economic populism” to promote egalitarian economic outcomes in the face of continuing gridlock and the dominance of Washington, DC’s policymaking institutions by business and the wealthy, and a conservative Republican Party. Many states are actually addressing inequality now, and these policies are working. Admittedly, many states also continue to embrace the policies that have contributed to growing inequality, such as tax cuts for the wealthy or attempting to weaken labor unions. But as the public grows more concerned about inequality, the authors argue, policies that help to address these income disparities will become more popular, and policies that exacerbate inequality will become less so. Over time, if history is a guide, more egalitarian policies will spread across the states, and ultimately to the federal government.

España Libre and Its Editors

2020 ◽  
pp. 53-78
Author(s):  
Montse Feu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Diplomatic Recognition ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Franco Dictatorship

España Libre’s editors invigorated the periodical’s proletarian counterculture to both fascism and elitism and sustained an ongoing resistance through times of harsh repression in Spain and Cold War political tensions in the United States. In the 1940s editorials focused on alerting readers about the spread of fascism to the Americas and encouraged fundraising for refugees. By the 1950s, the increasing international diplomatic recognition of the Franco dictatorship disquieted members and the editorials published during that decade were heavily focused on denouncing that recognition. However, by the 1960s the periodical concentrated its efforts on supporting the weakened underground labor opposition in Spain and in coordinating efforts with other political forces. In the 1970s, España Libre published homages to exiles for the antifascist resistance they put forth.

Prison College Programs

1994 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
SYLVIA G. McCOLLUM
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cost Effective ◽  
The United States ◽  
Prison Education ◽  
Tuition Assistance ◽  
Education Programs ◽  
The Public ◽  
College Programs ◽  
Inmate Education ◽  
The 1960S

Administrators who opt to provide education programs in prison are faced with the need to structure programs that span primary, secondary, and postsecondary levels. There seems to be consensus in the United States that prison education programs can properly include literacy, vocational education, and life-skill programs. However, this agreement doesn't extend to college programs. Prison college programs have a long history in the United States but their acceptability has ebbed and flowed over the years. Support of college programs in prison peaked in the 1960s and 70s, but became less popular in the 1980s and 90s. These programs depend, to a large extent, on federal tuition assistance. Amendments to federal legislation are offered almost annually, to exclude all prisoners from any college tuition assistance entitlement. These efforts have been unsuccessful, to date, but they reflect a section of public opinion which remains critical of tax supported grants to pay for prison college programs. Do inmate education programs reduce recidivism? Although some argue that it is not reasonable to correlate postrelease outcomes with any one prison program or situation, legislators and the public focus on recidivism and its correlation to specific programs. A significant body of research has developed in recent years that demonstrates a positive correlation between higher education and postrelease success. Despite this, currently, at least in the United States, college programs continue to be the most vulnerable of all prison education programs. If research data continue to show that these programs are cost effective and impact recidivism in positive ways, the situation may stabilize.

Toward Delinking: An Alternative Chinese Path Amid the New Cold War

2020 ◽  
pp. 15-31
Author(s):  
Sit Tsui ◽  
Erebus Wong ◽  
Lau Kin Chi ◽  
Wen Tiejun
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
The United States ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Way

During the 1960s, China was effectively excluded from the two major camps: the Soviet camp and the U.S. camp. For about a decade, China was obliged to seek development within its own borders and thereby achieved some extent of delinking: a refusal to succumb to U.S.-eurocentric globalization and an embrace of a people's agenda of development. While foreign relations were later normalized and China once again brought in foreign capital, since being explicitly targeted as the primary rival of the United States, however, the situation may again warrant moves toward delinking and searching for alternatives, with ups and downs along the way.

scholarly journals Challenging Empire

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-133
Author(s):  
Amr G. E. Sabet
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
American People ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Core ◽  
Golden Opportunity

The idea for this book emerged from what the author perceives to be theextraordinary post-cold war circumstances associated with the Americanextremists’ push for empire. Its thesis is simple and straightforward:American unilateralism and militarism have spawned a global social movementagainst such eventualities, giving rise to a new kind of internationalism.The components of this internationalism are threefold: people and socialmovements, governments, and the United Nations (UN). Together, ratheroptimistically or perhaps wishfully, they have come to constitute a “secondsuperpower” capable of challenging this imperial drive (pp. 6 and 257).The book is divided into five chapters. The “Introduction” (chapter 1)presents the thesis and framework of the three-part internationalist perspective.Chapter 2 presents the global social movement as the core componentthat defies war and empire and that exhibits peoples’ power as the foundationof such defiance. The main argument here is that the events of September 11,2001, provided a golden opportunity for the George W. Bush administrationto manipulate and exploit the American people’s fears and shock. Fear,according to Bennis, undermines “not only independence of will, but the verycapacity to think” (p. 31). This was the means by which the neo-conservatives,hijacking state power, were able to carry the American people along,allowing for no serious questioning or opposition. Yet if the United States is ...

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Shift in Japanese Diplomacy at the Beginning of the Second Cold War, 1979: A New Look

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 311-338
Author(s):  
Yamaguchi Wataru
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
The Public ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Soviet Invasion

Previous studies have proposed two different views as to how the beginning of the Second Cold War shaped Japanese diplomacy. This study demonstrates and reinterprets transformations in Japanese diplomacy experienced at that time, examining in particular the perceptions and behaviors of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, based on primary source materials of both Japan and the United States. Japanese diplomacy was slowly transformed as the international environment became harsher. Indeed, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan made the ministry aware of the Soviet threat, and Japan consequently started to increase its defense spending and make use of strategic foreign aid: these transformations might not have been radical, but were enough to cause the United States to perceive Japan more positively on security issues. However, the ministry’s attitude had been changing even before the beginning of the Second Cold War, inspired by jurisdictional disputes in the context of the diversification of security and the public approval of defense policies. The changes enabled the U.S.-Japan alliance to evolve into a much more complex partnership in the 1980s.

Introduction

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lydia Bean
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ethnic Communities ◽  
Party Loyalty ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The 1960S

This introductory chapter presents a new perspective on how white evangelical Christians have become an important constituency for the Republican Party in the United States. Sociologist Robert Wuthnow has described this shift as part of a larger restructuring of American religion that took place within local congregations, denominations, and public life. Before the 1960s, voters were socialized from birth into ethnoreligious communities—Protestant, Catholic, or Jewish—that instilled certain assumptions about party loyalty. Protestants identified with the Republicans and Catholics with the Democrats. But since the 1960s, religious identity has become more voluntary and disconnected from tight-knit ethnic communities. Americans are now divided by the values and lifestyles that they have chosen for themselves, rather than by inherited ethnoreligious loyalties.

The Cold War Politics of Soviet Federal Structures, 1945–1965

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 175-207
Author(s):  
Étienne Forestier-Peyrat
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Federal Structure

Abstract This article shows how official discussions of federal arrangements within the USSR affected Soviet foreign policy from the 1940s through the 1960s, especially on questions of decolonization and relations with the United States and other Western countries. Connecting Soviet domestic history and international developments, the article shows how the federal structure of the USSR was used in transnational debates on composite polities, race, and nationality and also how it was debated internally. Attacks on the highly centralized nature of Soviet federal structures in international arenas and the countermeasures adopted as part of the ideological Cold War had long-term as well as short-term effects on Soviet politics and foreign policy. Within the USSR, such attacks raised questions about the ethnofederal structure of the USSR and provided comparison points for both loyalist and dissident proponents of national rights in the country.

scholarly journals THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE LONG, HOT SUMMER OF 1967 IN THE UNITED STATES

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 1089-1111
Author(s):  
MARK McLAY
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
War On Poverty ◽  
Federal Spending ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Race Riots ◽  
The 1960S

AbstractDuring the summer of 1967, the United States experienced a series of race riots across the nation's cities as largely black neighbourhoods rebelled against the conditions in which they were living. The crisis reached its apogee in July when the worst riots since the American Civil War struck Detroit. In this atmosphere, legislators were faced with a stark choice of punishing rioters with stricter crime measures or alleviating living conditions with substantial federal spending. Despite being a minority in Congress, elected Republicans found themselves holding the balance of power in choosing whether the federal government would enforce law and order or pursue social justice for ghetto residents. While those Republicans who pursued ‘order’ have been given prominence in historiographical narratives, such politicians only represent one side of the Republican response. Indeed, moderate and progressive Republicans rallied to save Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson's War on Poverty and a host of urban spending initiatives that had appeared politically doomed. These actions reveal that scholars have overestimated Republican conservatism during the 1960s. Nonetheless, the rioting left a long-term legacy that enabled ‘order’ eventually to triumph over ‘justice’ in the following five decades.

The Early American Origins of Entitlements

1996 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 360-404
Author(s):  
Laura S. Jensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Health Security ◽  
The Public ◽  
Early American ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
First Time

There is perhaps no topic that has generated more sustained interest and controversy in the United States during the past three decades than the public policies called “entitlements.” From the Great Society innovations of the 1960s to the guaranteed income plan of the 1970s to the “health security” proposal of the early 1990s, debate over the issue of which U.S. citizens should be entitled to what kind of national-level benefits has been a constant in American political life. Though consensus has occasionally been reached, moments of accord have been fragile and fleeting. Late 1995 and early 1996 found both President William Clinton and a large, bipartisan majority of Congress targeting poor Americans and their benefits, advocating an “end to welfare as we know it.” Yet interbranch disagreement over the way that “welfare” reform should be implemented reached such heights that the annual U.S. budget development process broke down, resulting in repeated shutdowns of government agencies and the threat that, for the first time in the history of the American nation, the United States would default on its obligations to its creditors.

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