From Top-Down Control to Self-Organisation: The “Thaw” and Motor Action Theory

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-156
Author(s):  
Irina Sirotkina

The period from the late 1950s to the mid-1960s in the Soviet Union was known as the “Thaw,” a political era that fostered hopes of restoring the rule of law and democracy to the country. In that period cybernetics came to symbolize both scientific progress and social change. The Soviet intelligentsia had survived the hardship of Stalinist repression and now regarded the new discipline, which brought together the natural sciences and the human sciences, as a pathway to building a freer and more equal society. After decades of domination by Pavlovian doctrine, a paradigm shift was under way in physiology and psychology. Cybernetics reinforced the new paradigm, which put forward ideas of purposive behavior and self-organization in living and non-living systems. The conditioned reflex and a simplistic one-to-one view of connections in the nervous system gave way to more sophisticated and complex models, which could be formalized mathematically. Previous models of control in living organisms were mostly hierarchical and included top-down control of peripheral movement by the motor centers. The new models supplemented this picture with feedback commands from the periphery to the center. By the time cybernetics had made its appearance in the Soviet Union, new models of control had already been formulated in physiology by Nikolay Bernstein (1896– 1966). He termed the feedback from afferent signals “sensorial corrections,” meaning that they play an important part in adapting central control to the changing situation at the periphery of movement. The new paradigm emphasized horizontal connections over vertical ones, and new models took hold based on less “totalitarian” and more “democratic” principles, such as the idea of automatic or autonomous functioning of intermediate centers, the mathematical concept of well-organized functions, the theory of “the collective behavior of automata,” etc. This line of research was carried out in the USSR as well as abroad by Bernstein’s students and followers who formed the Moscow School of Motor Control. The author argues that this preference for less hierarchical models was one expression of the Thaw’s trend toward liberalization of life within the USSR and greater involvement in international politics.

1970 ◽  
pp. 81-91
Author(s):  
HANNA GRZESZCZUK-BRENDEL

A – department store commonly referred to as “Okrąglak” (“The Rotunda”) in Poznań and the Palace of Culture and Science in Warsaw, both completed in 1955, represent features of two opposing styles. This leads to further reflections on modernism and socialist realism as demonstrated by the – two buildings. The modern features of the tower of the Palace of Culture and Science have been outshined with the national form and communist contents clearly reflecting Poland’s subordination to the Soviet Union. References to the pattern, the Palace of the Soviets, defined the top-down accepted model of progress. The department store (“Okrąglak”), designed in 1948, was also meant to demonstrate modernity of commerce in a communist country. However, its form designed by Marek Leykam represents a more universal concept of progress free from any designations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
Vasiliy A.  Shchipkov

The problem of aggressive secularism in the form of fight against religion was acute throughout the 20th century, and not only in the Soviet Union, but also in capitalist countries, which drew the attention of A. Solzhenitsyn in the 1980s. This problem remains relevant also today, despite the fact that the USSR collapsed and the atheism ceased to be an open threat to religious consciousness. It is noted in the article that the theory of secularization is being revised by religious scholars and sociologists, while new models for the study of the secularity are proposed. The author of the article develops and comments on one of such models connecting the emergence of secularism with the late medieval scholasticism and the philosophy of nominalism.


2000 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cem Emrence

In the 1920s, Turkey was hard-pressed with difficulties on both the international and the domestic levels. The fledgling republic was isolated in international affairs, other than its friendship with the Soviet Union (Gürün 1991, pp. 103-32), and its borders were still far from being consolidated (Psomiades 1962, pp. 112-35; Newman 1927, pp. 81-83, 173-77). The Kurdish rebellions in the east, the top-down modernization efforts of the nationalists, and the ongoing settlement problems of many Turkish-Muslim immigrants who came from Greece through a population exchange, created uncertainty and instability within the country (Zürcher 1993, pp. 173-82).


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 209-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilia Shevtsova

December 2011 protests in Russia, the largest after the collapse of the Soviet Union, shattered the status quo that had taken shape over the last decade and signaled that Russia is entering turbulent waters. Russia found itself caught in a trap: the 2011–2012 elections perpetuate a personalized power system that became the source of decay. The top-down rule and its “personificator” – Vladimir Putin – are already rejected by the most dynamic and educated urban population. However, no clear political alternative with a broad social support has yet emerged to replace the old Russian matrix. In terms of strategic significance, Putin’s regime will most certainly unravel in the fore-seeable perspective. But it is hard to predict what consequences this will have: the system’s disintegration and even collapse of the state, growing rot and atrophy, or the last grasp in the life of personalized power and transformation that will set Russia on a new foundation. One thing is apparent: transformation will not happen in the form of reform from above and within, and if it does occur, it will be the result of the deepening crisis and society’s pressure.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-559
Author(s):  
Yuliy A. Nisnevich

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - first wave democrats, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the first wave democrats and the reformers of the Gaidar call from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where the Russian nomenclature separated from the democratic movement, emerging as a new ruling stratum - the immediate heir to the Soviet nomenclature. The turning point, which accelerated the separation and the retreat of the Russian nomenclature from liberal and democratic principles of the countrys modernization, was the beginning of the Chechen tragedy in 1994. Not only did the Chechen events separate the Russian nomenclature and the democratic movement but also split the democratic movement itself. The goal of the article is to examine the transformation of the relationship between the democratic movement and the soviet and, later on, Russian nomenclature during the revolutionary changes of the early 1990s.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 380-394
Author(s):  
Taras Boyko

The article explores the reception of Boris Uspenskij’s writings and ideas outside of the Soviet Union, primarily in Western European and North American academic contexts. The present brief overview of Uspenskij’s academic reception covers the translations of his best-known scholarly works [first and foremost “Historia sub specie semioticae” and “Istoriya i semiotika (Vospriyatie vremeni kak semioticheskaya problema)”] into English, French, Spanish, German and other European languages, as well as various references to Uspenskij’s ideas on what nowadays would be categorized as ‘semiotics of history’, or thoughts at least in some way related to the ‘cultural-semiotic approach to history’ of the Tartu-Moscow School of Semiotics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
pp. 26-60
Author(s):  
John M. Knight

The Sino-Soviet Friendship Association (SSFA) was China's largest mass organisation of the 1950s. Whether it was marking events on the socialist calendar, showing films, holding lectures, or arranging worker competitions, the SSFA had an inescapable presence in public life. Invariably, the Soviet Union was presented as China's benevolent 'elder brother,' guiding it to modernity. By taking part in SSFA activities, Chinese were interpellated into a discourse that legitimated communist rule and defined their nation, world, and future. Yet, even within such a top-down, closed discursive system, there remained room for the inquisitive to form authentic friendships with their foreign Other. In addition to examining internal documents and public activities of the Shanghai and Beijing branches of the SSFA, this essay covers three rounds of pen-pal exchanges between Lu Shuqin and 'Natasha,' young women workers from Beijing and Moscow. Rather than adhering to the expected inner-socialist bloc hierarchy, their letters reveal an egalitarian cosmopolitanism. When read against China's state-sponsored narrative of 'elder' and 'younger' brother, these pen-pal letters complicate and expand the discourse of Sino-Soviet friendship, showing how the mandated internationalism of the 1950s interacted with the self-directed behaviours of socialist individuals.


Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer

Khrushchev was overthrown by his associates in the Politburo in October 1964. The new collective leadership proceeded to institutionalize a regime I call “Bureaucratic Leninism.” This is a top-down vision of the centralized communist party “scientifically managing” society, and doing so through the cadres of the party and the state. “Trust in cadres” became the phrase that signaled a willingness to govern through the party, not over it.


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur H. Miller ◽  
William M. Reisinger ◽  
Vicki L. Hesli

Modernization theory suggests that in the post–World War II period increased education promoted public support for democratic principles and an individual opportunities society in the former Soviet Union. Finifter and Mickiewicz (1992), however, based on a 1989 survey in the Soviet Union, found that the less well educated were more supportive of individual locus of control than were the better educated. Examining survey data collected in the former USSR during 1990, 1991, 1992, and 1995, we find consistent reconfirmation of the modernization theory, despite a major decline in support for an opportunities society that occurs between 1992 and 1995. This recent increase in preference for socialism is explained by rising nationalism, growing nostalgia for communists, and disillusionment with certain aspects of the market economy, particularly the perceived growth of social inequality.


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