scholarly journals Governing Capacity and Institutional Change in China in the Reform Era

2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard

The Chinese reform process of 1978-2008 has primarily taken place within the economic sphere, involving fundamental changes of the centrally planned economic system. As a result, a hybrid economic system has evolved based on a combination of resource mobilization and allocation by market forces and Party and state domination of the commanding heights of the economy. In the political sphere, reform has been much more limited. During the 1980s there were several periods of substantial political reform, but since the early 1990s reform has largely been synonymous with improvement of the governance system in terms of capacity of institutions and competencies of officials. Thus administrative reform and institutional changes have been placed high on the agenda, emphasizing administrative restructuring and downsizing of government organs as well as Party reform. Party reform and leadership renewal have created an institutionalized political order characterized by incremental change within the framework of authoritarian resilience. Currently, major reform discussion in China primarily takes place within the Party organization and focuses on perfecting the existing political system rather than on introducing Western models and experiences.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Benedikter ◽  
Loan T. P. Nguyen

This essay offers reflections on Vietnam’s post-socialist state planning system and an upcoming government initiative to reform it. Thirty years after the departure from Soviet-style central planning, state-directed planning prevails as the dominant feature of Vietnam’s governance system, policy regime, and economic system. Our purpose is to examine why state-directed planning has been so resilient despite its many associated drawbacks in the past and present. We present a range of critical thoughts on the underlying causes and drivers that have preserved state-directed planning and that may jeopardize the nascent reform process.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-91
Author(s):  
Maskuri Maskuri

In the history of Indonesian, education policy has always been dynamic. Before independence until the reform era of education policy can not be separated from the political system. We know that education policy as part of education policy is a political product. Political configuration in every era of state political leadership has always changed according to the political wind and the configuration of political rulers. However, forces outside the governance system, such as educational community groups, will give color to the education system. When the political system demands the centralization of power, the education system will also concentrate on a centralized government. With the flow of reforms, it has spawned many changes in the education system. Several articles, even the law which, according to the public, lack attention to the aspect of education itself, are sued to the Constitutional Court. Along with the policy of regional autonomy, education policy must be able to adjust to the development of society in autonomous regions. This necessarily requires the creativity of leaders in the region in terms of promoting education in the region in accordance with the aspirations of the community.


Author(s):  
Michael Zürn

This chapter summarizes the argument of the book. It recapitulates the global governance as a political system founded on normative principles and reflexive authorities in order to identify the legitimation problems built into it; it points to the explanation of the rise of societal politicization and counter-institutionalization via causal mechanisms highlighting the endogenous dynamics of that global governance system; and, it sums up the conditions under which the subsequent processes of legitimation and delegitimation lead to the system’s decline or to a deepening of it. In addition, the conclusion submits that the arguments put forward in this book are in line with a newly emerging paradigm in International Relations. A “global politics paradigm” is increasingly complementing the “cooperation under anarchy paradigm” which has been dominant for around five decades. The chapter finishes with suggestions of areas for further research.


Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Renhao Yang ◽  
Qingyuan Yang

Encountering the articulation of the strongness of local authorities and market forces in China’s development, attention has been paid to the changing central state which recentralised the regulation capability of localities which has more discretional power on resources utilisation, land for example, in the post-reform era. Yet it is still not clear-cut what drives the state rescaling in terms of land governance and by what ways. After dissecting the evolving policies and practices of construction land supply in China with the focus on the roles of state, we draw two main conclusions. First, the policy trajectory of construction land supply entails a complicated reconfiguration of state functions, which is driven by three interwoven relations: land–capital relation, peasant–state relation and rural–urban relation. Second, state rescaling in terms of the governance of construction land provision works via four important approaches: limited decentralism, horizontal integralism, local experimentalism and political mobilisationism. By reviewing the institutional arrangements of construction land provision and the state rescaling process behind them, this article offers a nuanced perspective to the state (re)building that goes beyond the simplified (vertical or horizontal) transition of state functions.


1998 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-87
Author(s):  
Khalid Saeed

Public organizations involved in planning and implementation of developmental activity, education, research and development, as well as private firms delivering professional services and operating in a rapidly changing socio-economic environment are often concerned mainly with innovation, problem-solving and learning rather than with the production of any tangible outputs. The income streams of such organizations also often stem from environmental support rather than from a sale of widgets. Sustaining developmental activity in part requires maintaining such organizations at a high level of productivity, which calls for special design considerations that this paper attempts to delineate. A formal model of the production, knowledge acquisition and governance functions of an innovation organization is developed and experimented with through computer simulation using the heuristical approach of system dynamics. The analysis suggests that professional competence in organizations may atrophy, eventually leading to their demise, due to the development of a governance system that is largely driven by manifest authority, unless a concerted effort is made to preserve collegial decision roles. In terms of organizational design, this translates into considering constituents other than those used normally for creating mechanistic and organic components of organizational structure. Since professional competence often emanates from collegial rather than manifest processes, an important aspect of the design is to sustain collegial roles. Since collegial roles are undefined, their maintenance calls for placing constraints on manifest roles with prolific expansion potential. A promising design constituent for sustaining an appropriate governance system for an innovation organization appears to be a chartering process that should create an organizational magna carta clearly stating the limitations of the manifest roles. Other possible entry points into the system, albeit external, include bringing in leadership perspectives and linking with market forces that should allow the curtailment of prolific expansion of manifest roles.


1973 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-138
Author(s):  
Howard A. Scarrow

It is both humbling and encouraging to recall notions that Americans once entertained of the British political system. Critics of F.D.R. looked enviously at the British Parliament for its reputed ability to hold the executive firmly accountable for its actions. Somewhat later, observers on both sides of the Atlantic supposed that Britain was blessed with an absence of pressure groups. Would-be reformers of the American party system further implied that British voters cast their ballots according to the content of party programs, and that party cohesion was the result of discipline imposed by a centralized party organization able to deny renomination to recalcitrant M.P.'s. Careful analyses of intra-party workings, pressure-group activity, and voting behavior have now dispelled these and other mistaken impressions, and it seems likely that the contours of our understanding of these subjects have now been established. However, additional frontiers of knowledge of the British political system remain to be charted; one of these is government at the local level.


1983 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Özay Mehmet

The recent crisis in Turkey has been described primarily as a political crisis caused by an unworkable political system under attack from organized terrorism from both the right and the left. While this may be valid as an immediate cause, there are some structural and ideological contradictions in the Turkish economic system which must also be highlighted. These contradictions have evolved gradually over the last half century in the course of Turkey's efforts to achieve industrial and economic growth. They have been exacerbated in particular by a process of lopsided industrialization after 1960 which, as in most other developing countries, has resulted in increased poverty and unemployment while achieving overall growth rates of 6 percent or better.


Author(s):  
Morris K. Speter

For centuries China has been seen as a backward country. It was dominated by the European powers and, since the middle of the last century, by a very doctrinaire communist government. However, in the last 10 15 years China has emerged as an economic giant with an economy growing at 10% + per annum operating in a decidedly capitalistic fashion. Thus, we have the paradox of an anti communistic economic system operating under an anti capitalistic political system. The question for the future is whether this economic miracle will continue into the 21stcentury or is it but a temporary mirage and China will revert back to its previous secondary role on the worlds stage?


Slavic Review ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 414-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Kenez

The NEP was an inherently unstable social and political system: It contained within itself the seeds of its own destruction. The Bolsheviks carried out policies in which they did not fully believe and with implications that worried them. Although the Tenth Party Congress in 1921 forbade factions within the party, the struggle for power during Lenin's final illness and after his death inevitably created factions. The struggle for power and the conflict between contrasting views concerning the future of society came to be intertwined. For the sake of economic reconstruction the party allowed private enterprise to reemerge. As time went on, many Bolshevik leaders came to be convinced supporters of the mixed economic system; others, on the basis of their reading of Marxist ideology, found such policies distasteful.


Author(s):  
Victor Yu. Apryshchenko ◽  
Maksim A. Mukhin

The article analyses the contents and the significance of the Scottish governance system in the second half of the 18th century. The authors point out that English political elite had little interest in governing Scotland and draw attention to the role of the Scottish lobby in the Scottish governance as a tool of interaction between the centre and the periphery. The text reveals how the Scottish lobby distributed various amenities via the patronage in order to achieve political stability, as shown with the elections to the House of Commons. The article also demonstrates the role of Scottish managers as the representatives of Scottish interests in London. The authors conclude that the Scottish political system was different from the English one and note that there were no acute political crises in the second half of the 18th century, which indicates that in the midst of a rapid modernisation the Scottish governance system proved to be successful.


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