scholarly journals Foucault and Left Conservatism

2004 ◽  
pp. 32-52
Author(s):  
Jeremy Moss

The consequences of Foucault's work for political theory have been subject to much reinterpretation. This article examines the reception of Foucault's work by the left of politics and argues that the use made of his work is overly negative and lacks a positive political dimension. Through a discussion of the work of Judith Butler and other interpreters of Foucault I argue that the problem facing the poststructuralist left is formulated in a confusing and unhelpful manner, what I will call the 'dilemma of the left libertarian'. Once we get around this formulation of the problem a more progressive political response becomes possible. I end by discussing the political possibilities of Foucault's work in terms of an account of autonomy derived from Foucault's later work on the Enlightenment. KEY WORDS: Foucault, Butler, Autonomy, Politics, Ethics, Critique, Left, Conservative, Rorty, Habermas

Author(s):  
Suwarsono Suwarsono

This paper attempts to find the political position of Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (The Corruption Eradication Commission) in the year of 2014. In so doing, it tries to use the stakeholders perspective as its theoretical framework which applied in public sector context. Stakeholders analysis is basically a political dimension of management. First, it shortly expouses what is meant by the stakeholders perspective. It is followed by an explanation about its mode of analysis and its strategic implication. Core of the paper is found where it explains the political position of Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) in its final part which includes a set of proposed strategy. Key words: public sector, stakeholders, political position, and proposed strategy


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-174
Author(s):  
Karol Gierdojć

The paper offers an attempt at an introduction to the political theory of Eric Voegelin, the political scientist, philosopher and social scientist, whose thought has been increasingly recognized in both the USA and Europe ever since shortly after his death in 1985. It explores the political dimension of Voegelin’s thought from a purely secular point of view, but could also be helpful to those looking to find a religious meaning in politics.


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gert Goeminne ◽  

In this paper, I elaborate on the very political dimension of epistemology that is opened up by the radical change of focus initiated by constructivism: from science as knowledge to science as practice. In a first step, this brings me to claim that science is political in its own right, thereby drawing on Mouffe and Laclau’s framework of radical democracy and its central notion of antagonism to make explicit what is meant by ‘the political.’ Secondly, I begin to explore what this intrinsic political dimension of science might entail for democratic thought. I do so by connecting my preliminary explorations in the field of science with Andrew Feenberg’s elaborate frame of thought on the democratization of technology. Interestingly, Feenberg is one of the few thinkers who have connected questions of power and ideology, typically treated of within the field of political theory, with a constructivist approach to technological progress. In this sense, this paper can be seen as a first attempt to expand Feenberg’s framework of democratic rationalization from the world of technology to the world of science.


Author(s):  
Dušan Krcunović ◽  

The theme of the tyranny is one of the great European literary and philosophical themes in Njegoš’s poetry. Tyranny (or Tirjanstvo) as a phenomenon and the concept is not only one of the key words in the vocabulary of Njegoš, but also one of the pillars of the architectonics of his poetic structure. The concept of tyranny appears in The Thought and The Ray of Microcosm, has special signifi­cance. When one taken into account The Mountain Wreath, these meanings are mutually connected and implicative. This suggests continuity, logical coherence, even systematic approach to developing a distinctive motifs and challenging sub­ject. Hence the term tyranomahia is taken here as one of the possible approaches to the poet’s personality, his work and his literary and philosophical view of the world. The ghost of tyranny always hovers over the asymmetries of the rela­tionship between the strong and the weak, the majority and the minority. The po­tential for tyranny exists in all relationships where the smaller and weaker stand against the bigger and stronger. In this fa(c)tum, a seemingly value-neutral power imbalance between the two sides, proponents of immorality of the power have always sought a foundation and justification for domination. But the facticity of the immoral power of the law of the stronger has been called into question by the introduction of the moralistic principle of justice. It should not be ruled out that Njegoš, as a ruler, noticed the movement from the ghost of tyranny to its mimicry in the realism of the political theory which pumps the blood of legiti­macy to that ghost.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.


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