scholarly journals Accountants’ perceptions of tax amnesty: A survey during the COVID-19 pandemic in Greece

Author(s):  
Stergios Tasios ◽  
Evangelos Chytis ◽  
Stefanos Gousias

Although humanity has faced many plaques and epidemics from antiquity, the COVID-19 came as a tidal wave, overwhelming nations and governments. Restrictive measures, social distancing and ultimately lockdown and quarantine, emerged as a response to decelerate the spread of the disease and save human lives. These measures may have decreased COVID-19 cases, they had, however, an adverse impact on economic activity and stock markets (Ashraf, 2020). Research shows that the pandemic has already influenced the United States (the US), Germany, and Italy‘s stock markets more than the global financial crises (Shehzad, Xiaoxing, & Kazouz 2020)

PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. e0254652
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Midway ◽  
Abigail J. Lynch ◽  
Brandon K. Peoples ◽  
Michael Dance ◽  
Rex Caffey

Recreational angling in the United States (US) is largely a personal hobby that scales up to a multibillion-dollar economic activity. Given dramatic changes to personal decisions and behaviors resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, we surveyed recreational anglers across the US to understand how the pandemic may have affected their fishing motivations and subsequent activities. Nearly a quarter million anglers from 10 US states were invited to participate in the survey, and almost 18,000 responded. Anglers reported numerous effects of the pandemic, including fishing access restrictions. Despite these barriers, we found that the amount of fishing in the spring of 2020 was significantly greater—by about 0.2 trips per angler—than in non-pandemic springs. Increased fishing is likely associated with our result that most respondents considered recreational angling to be a COVID-19 safe activity. Nearly a third of anglers reported changing their motivation for fishing during the pandemic, with stress relief being more popular during the pandemic than before. Driven partly by the perceived safety of social fishtancing, recreational angling remained a popular activity for many US anglers during spring 2020.


2017 ◽  
Vol 107 (9) ◽  
pp. 2731-2783 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Handley ◽  
Nuno Limão

We examine the impact of policy uncertainty on trade, prices, and real income through firm entry investments in general equilibrium. We estimate and quantify the impact of trade policy on China's export boom to the United States following its 2001 WTO accession. We find the accession reduced the US threat of a trade war, which can account for over one-third of that export growth in the period 2000– 2005. Reduced policy uncertainty lowered US prices and increased its consumers' income by the equivalent of a 13-percentage-point permanent tariff decrease. These findings provide evidence of large effects of policy uncertainty on economic activity and the importance of agreements for reducing it. (JEL D72, F13, F14, O19, P33)


10.23856/3009 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 91-98
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Astafiev ◽  
Kateryna Astafieva ◽  
Serhii Rtyshchev ◽  
Valeriia Astafieva

The article explores the possibility of financial crises forecasting in the account of stock indexes changes analysis.  The subject of the study was the United States of America, and the object was the Dow Jones index, which has been analyzed over the past 47 years.  It has been determined that it is highly probable that the value of the Dow Jones index variation coefficient can be predicted in 2018-2020. It has been outlined that the US economic development will be appropriate within the next three years.


Significance Global economic activity is deteriorating widely. This is despite the fact that the US-China trade conflict is not escalating, China is loosening fiscal policy and the United States and euro-area are committing to looser monetary policy. On April 3 the Asian Development Bank reduced its 2019 growth forecast for developing Asia to 5.7%, down from 5.9% a year ago, and the WTO reduced its forecast for 2019 growth in global trade volumes to 2.6%, from 3.7% in September. Impacts David Malpass became World Bank president this month and concerns will linger about his alignment with Trump’s ‘America First’ policies. If the US call to double the IMF’s ‘New arrangements to borrow’ passes, the debate over a permanent capital increase will be pushed back. A no-deal Brexit may push UK GDP into recession, hurting others as Germany, France and Spain’s UK exports sum 10 billion dollars or more. US-EU relations could deteriorate as the US trade body threatens billions of dollars of tariffs in retaliation for EU Airbus subsidies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Deri Siswara

The purpose of this study is to analyze the integration and response of the Islamic stock market of the OIC countries before the crisis and during the China stock market crisis also during the United States-China trade war with the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) method. The results showed that there was no cointegration in the period before the China stock market crisis. However, during the period of the China stock market crisis and the United States-China trade war, the cointegration was more common. The Islamic stock market of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE experienced a domino effect from fluctuations in crude oil prices. Then, the Indonesia Islamic stock market in the two crisis periods had a long-term relationship with the US and China stock markets. Whereas the Malaysian and Bangladesh Islamic stock markets have only a long-term relationship with the US stock market. In terms of the benefits of portfolio diversification for investors, there is relevance of dominant economic, geographical, and trade relations in influencing the integration of the Islamic stock market.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


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