Validity and legislative task of the mandatory regulations for the State to integrate educational autonomy and local autonomy in the Decentralization Special Act

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-155
Author(s):  
Jeon Ko
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Local Autonomy

scholarly journals Increasing Equity and Increasing School Performance ''Conflicting or Compatible Goals?:Addressing the Issues in

2004 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Jeanne M. Powers
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Public Education ◽  
School Performance ◽  
Educational System ◽  
The State ◽  
Expert Witnesses ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Public Schools Accountability Act ◽  
The Cost

This work addresses some of the arguments regarding equity in public education versus school performance at issue in the case of Williams v. State of California. The plaintiff’s expert witnesses have argued that the state is responsible to reduce the inequities in California’s public educational system. In contrast, the state’s witnesses argue that some of the plaintiff’s proposals have limited educational effects at the cost of reducing local autonomy. In this paper, I use four years of data from California’s Public Schools Accountability Act (PSAA) to evaluate these claims.

Relations between State and Local Governments

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol S. Weissert ◽  
Jessica L. Ice
Keyword(s):  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
The State ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Different Types ◽  
State Oversight ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
State And Local

This chapter reviews research on relations between state and local governments. The authors focus on the different types of local governmental units and their relationship to the state, decentralization and local autonomy, and state oversight and funding in policy implementation. The authors summarize the strengths and weaknesses of research on state–local relationships and offer suggestions for future research questions.

scholarly journals Las diputaciones provinciales y su futuro incierto

2018 ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Enrique Linde Paniagua
Keyword(s):  
Considerable Increase ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Autonomous Communities ◽  
The Future ◽  
Autonomous Regions ◽  
Provincial Councils

Las diputaciones provinciales son en la actualidad indispensables, habida cuenta del minifundismo municipal español. No obstante nada impide que las diputaciones se extingan y sus funciones se pasen a desempeñar por otras corporaciones representativas. En el trabajo se sostiene la tesis de que resulta posible la supresión de las diputaciones y su sustitución por las comunidades autónomas. Pero es igualmente posible la sustitución de las diputaciones provinciales por entes locales que pongan fin al minifundismo municipal. La primera alternativa supondría el incremento considerable de las competencias de las comunidades autónomas con merma de la autonomía local. Por el contrario, la segunda alternativa pondría fin al minifundismo municipal y preservaría de manera más efectiva la autonomía local. Finalmente se considera que el futuro de las diputaciones provinciales no debe trazarse de manera independiente de la nueva configuración del Estado de las Autonomías, pues la elección de una de las dos soluciones apuntadas, o de otras, depende de dicha nueva configuración.Provincial councils are currently indispensable, given the Spanish municipal smallholding. However nothing prevents the deputies are extinguished and their functions are transferred to other representative corporations. In the work the thesis is sustained that it is possible the suppression of the deputations and their substitution by the autonomous communities. But it is also possible to substitute provincial councils for local entities that put an end to municipal smallholding. The first alternative would involve a considerable increase in the competences of the autonomous communities, with a reduction in local autonomy. On the contrary, the second alternative would put an end to municipal smallholding and preserve local autonomy more effectively. Finally, it is considered that the future of the provincial councils should not be traced independently of the new configuration of the State of the Autonomous Regions, since the choice of one of the two pointed solutions, or others, depends on this new configuration.

Serbian Textbooks: Toward Greater Serbia or Yugoslavia?

Slavic Review ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 601-619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Jelavich
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Trade Policy ◽  
Direct Product ◽  
The State ◽  
Precise Definition ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Basic Premise ◽  
Definition Of

As is well known, the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which was founded on December 1,1918, did not achieve the success envisaged for it. It is generally assumed that the state was the direct product of Yugoslavism, a Croatian concept formulated in the nineteenth century, which found adherents among the Serbs and Slovenes. Although there is no consensus among scholars concerning the precise definition of Yugoslavism, in its basic terms the concept called for the union of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes in one state. The proponents of Yugoslavism argued that as long as the three nations remained separate they were subject to domination by their stronger neighbors, whereas united they would be in a better position to determine their own future. These proponents never agreed on the exact political organization of the union, whether it should be a centralized or federalized state, but they assumed that the kingdom would have one army and a single foreign and trade policy, and that each nation would retain considerable local autonomy, for example, in education, religious affairs, and police jurisdiction. Yet the ultimate success of Yugoslavism was dependent on the acceptance by Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes of the basic premise that they were in essence one people, and that eventually they would no longer give primacy to their Serbianism, Croatianism, and Slovenianism but would offer their undivided loyalty to the larger Yugoslav concept.

The Participation Paradox of Indigenous Autonomy in Mexico

2011 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan T. Hiskey ◽  
Gary L. Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Design ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Test Case ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Indigenous Autonomy ◽  
Indigenous Institutions

AbstractAs indigenous movements around the world seek to strengthen their collective voice in their respective political systems, efforts continue to design political institutions that offer both sufficient local autonomy and incentives to participate in the broader political system. The state of Oaxaca, Mexico, offers a test case of one such effort at indigenous-based institutional design. This article argues that such reforms often fail to confront the tension between local autonomy and citizen engagement in politics outside the borders of the community. Testing this theory through a comparative analysis of voter turnout rates in municipalities across the state of Oaxaca and the neighboring state of Guerrero, this study finds that the adoption of indigenous institutions at the local level is associated with significantly lower voter turnout rates for national elections.

The Qing Empire

2021 ◽  
pp. 810-831
Author(s):  
Pamela Kyle Crossley
Keyword(s):  
Local Communities ◽  
The State ◽  
Functional Specialization ◽  
Historical Evolution ◽  
Diverse Population ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Qing Empire ◽  
Personal Security ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Functionally Diverse

The Qing Empire (1636–1912) used the historical evolution of three governments within the state to manage tensions between a reliance upon the coherence of local communities and a containment of the possibilities for local autonomy. The governments had distinct origins and provided the enormous Qing Empire with the scale of information and administration to control over a culturally, socially, and functionally diverse population. The earliest was the Eight Banners, which evolved from a personal security operation to an empire-wide conquest and occupation force. Second was the negotiation of Mongol economic and political affairs that ultimately became the Lifanyuan, the Qing instrument for indirect governance of selected territories. And last was the Chinese civil bureaucracy. Though never hermetically isolated from each other, the three governments provided the basis both for spatial and functional specialization and for the centralization of the Qing state, particularly after the creation of the Grand Council in 1729.

Greeting the State

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria C. Stead
Keyword(s):  
Structural Difference ◽  
The State ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
The Social ◽  
Patterns Of Practice ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Papua New Guinean ◽  
Power And Authority

In 2010, a delegation of Papua New Guinean politicians travelled to a remote village called Bongu, on the northern Rai Coast, to receive a petition against proposed mine activity. The encounter between the politicians and the villagers who had invited them involved two very different articulations of power and authority, and two competing cartographies of centrality and marginality. The encounter demonstrated the need to approach concepts of custom and modernity not only as powerful discourses which are taken up and performed in local places, but also as analytical descriptors of actually existing patterns of practice and meaning which are structurally and ontological distinct. At the same time, however, analysis of the encounter between villagers and politicians makes clear that this structural difference cannot be written straightforwardly onto the social bodies of opposing collectivities. Entanglements are destabilising and risky, but also enable assertions of local autonomy and customary cartographies of power.

Defending ““Our Beautiful Freedom””: State Formation and Local Autonomy in Oaxaca, 1930––1940

2007 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Smith
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Autonomy ◽  
Political Democracy ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Mexican State

This article looks at the process of state formation in Oaxaca during the 1930s. By comparing the political processes at the state level and in the Sierra Juarez, it is argued that both revisionist and Gramscian visions of the post-revolutionary Mexican state minimize the potential for local autonomy and political democracy. In the Sierra Juarez President Cardenas allowed young, progressive village democrats to form their own autonomous regional confederation and halt the political branch of the cargo system.

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