scholarly journals King Zumbi and the Male Movement in Brazil

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-409
Author(s):  
T. B. Irving

Three great regions of America deserve a Muslim's attedon because oftheir Islamic past: Brazil in South America; the Caribbean, which scarcely hasbeen explored in this tespect; and the United States. Over 12 percent of theUnited States' population, and even more in the Caribbean, is of African origin,whereas Brazil has a similar or greater proportion of African descent.The enslavement and transportation of Africans to the New World continuedfor another three or four centuries after the region's indigenous Indianpopulations had either been killed off or driven into the plains and wooc1s.While knowledge of the original African Muslims in Notth America is vaguely acknowledged, teseatch is still required on the West Indies. Brazil's case,however, is clearer due to its proud history of the Palmares republic, whichalmost achieved its freedom in the seventeenth century, and the clearly Islamicnineteenth-century Male movement. As a postscript, the Canudos movement in 1897 also contained some Islamic features.In the Spanish colonies, the decline of the indigenous Indian populationsbegan quickly. To offset this development, Bartolome de Las Casas (1474-1566), Bishop of Chiapas, Mexico, suggested the importation of enslavedAfricans to the new colonies, whete they could then be converted to Christianity.Few persons have exercised such a baneful effect on society as thisman, who is often called the "Apostle of the Indies." However, othes knewhim as the "Enslaver of Africans," especially the Muslims, who he called"Moots." These facts of African slavery apply to almost all of the Atlanticcoast of the Americas, from Maryland and Virginia to Argentina, as well asto some countries along the Pacific coast such as Ecuador and Peru. If thisaspect of Muslim history and the Islamic heritage is to be preserved for humanhistory, we need to devote more study to it.This tragedy began in the sixteenth century and, after mote than four hundredyears, its effects are still apparent. If those Africans caught and sold intoslavery were educated, as many of them were, they were generally Muslimsand wrote in Arabic. Thus, many educated and literate slaves kept the recordsfor their sometimes illiterate plantation masters, who often could not read ormake any mathematical calculations, let alone handle formal bookkeeping.In 1532, the first permanent European settlement was established in Brazil,a country which since that date has never been wholly cut off from WestAfrica: even today trade is carried on with the Guinea coast. Yoruba influencefrom Nigeria and Benin has been almost as pervasive in some regions of ...

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Pietruska

This article examines the mutually reinforcing imperatives of government science, capitalism, and American empire through a history of the U.S. Weather Bureau's West Indian weather service at the turn of the twentieth century. The original impetus for expanding American meteorological infrastructure into the Caribbean in 1898 was to protect naval vessels from hurricanes, but what began as a measure of military security became, within a year, an instrument of economic expansion that extracted climatological data and produced agricultural reports for American investors. This article argues that the West Indian weather service was a project of imperial meteorology that sought to impose a rational scientific and bureaucratic order on a region that American officials considered racially and culturally inferior, yet relied on the labor of local observers and Cuban meteorological experts in order to do so. Weather reporting networks are examined as a material and symbolic extension of American technoscientific power into the Caribbean and as a knowledge infrastructure that linked the production of agricultural commodities in Cuba and Puerto Rico to the world of commodity exchange in the United States.


Author(s):  
Annelise Heinz

Mahjong: A Chinese Game and the Making of Modern American Culture illustrates how the spaces between tiles and the moments between games have fostered distinct social cultures in the United States. When this mass-produced game crossed the Pacific it created waves of popularity over the twentieth century. Mahjong narrates the history of this game to show how it has created a variety of meanings, among them American modernity, Chinese American heritage, and Jewish American women’s culture. As it traveled from China to the United States and caught on with Hollywood starlets, high society, middle-class housewives, and immigrants alike, mahjong became a quintessentially American pastime. This book also reveals the ways in which women leveraged a game for a variety of economic and cultural purposes, including entrepreneurship, self-expression, philanthropy, and ethnic community building. One result was the forging of friendships within mahjong groups that lasted decades. This study unfolds in two parts. The first half is focused on mahjong’s history as related to consumerism, with a close examination of its economic and cultural origins. The second half explores how mahjong interwove with the experiences of racial inclusion and exclusion in the evolving definition of what it means to be American. Mahjong players, promoters, entrepreneurs, and critics tell a broad story of American modernity. The apparent contradictions of the game—as both American and foreign, modern and supposedly ancient, domestic and disruptive of domesticity—reveal the tensions that lie at the heart of modern American culture.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Sinn

This chapter takes a broad look at the Pacific Ocean in relation to Chinese migration. As trade, consumption and capital flows followed migrants, powerful networks were woven and sustained; in time, the networks fanned across the Pacific from British Columbia along the West Coast of the United States to New Zealand and Australia. The overlapping personal, family, financial and commercial interests of Chinese in California and those in Hong Kong, which provide the focus of this study, energized the connections and kept the Pacific busy and dynamic while shaping the development of regions far beyond its shores. The ocean turned into a highway for Chinese seeking Gold Mountain, marking a new era in the history of South China, California, and the Pacific Ocean itself.


2018 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-172
Author(s):  
Katherine G. Morrissey

The following was the author’s presidential address at the annual meeting of the Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association, in Northridge, California, on August 4, 2017. The twentieth-century visual history of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands, la frontera, offers a rich set of representations of the shared border environments. Photographs, distributed in the United States and in Mexico, allow us to trace emerging ideas about the border region and the politicized borderline. This essay explores two border visualization projects—one centered on the Mexican Revolution and the visual vocabulary of the Mexican nation and the other on the repeat photography of plant ecologists—that illustrate the simultaneous instability and power of borders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Schottenhammer

Abstract Background Connections between China and the new Spanish colonies in America are known for an exchange of silver for silks and porcelains. That also medicinal drugs and medicinal knowledge crossed the Pacific Ocean is hardly known or discussed. Myroxylon balsamum (L.) Harms var. pereirae (Royle) Harms (“New World“ or “Peruvian balsam“) is a botanical balsam that has a long history of medicinal use, particularly as antiseptic and for wound healing. Except for a Chinese article discussing the reception of balsam in China and Japan, no scientific studies on its impact in China and Japan and the channels of transfer from the Americas to Asia exist. Methods Description: (1) This section provides a general introduction into Commiphora gileadensis (“Old World” balsam) as a medicinal category and discusses the specific medicinal properties of Myroxylon balsamum (L.) Harms var. pereirae (Royle) Harms. The section “Historical research and uses” provides a brief survey on some historical analyses of balsam. Aim, design, setting: (2) Applying a comparative textual and archaeological analysis the article critically examines Chinese and Japanese sources (texts, maps) to show (i) what Chinese and Japanese scholars knew about balsam, (ii) where and how it was used, and (iii) to identify reasons why the “digestion” of knowledge on balsam as a medicinal developed so differently in China and Japan. Results and discussion This chapter discusses the introduction of “Peruvian balsam” into, its uses as a medicinal as well as its scholarly reception in early modern China and Japan and introduces the channels of transmission from Spanish America to Asia. It is shown that Myroxylon balsamum (L.) Harms var. pereirae (Royle) Harms was partly a highly valued substance imported from the Americas into China and Japan. But the history of the reception of medicinal knowledge on Peruvian balsam was significantly different in China and Japan. Conclusions In Japan, the knowledge on Myroxylon balsamum was continuously updated, especially through mediation of Dutch physicians; Japanese scholars, doctors and pharmacists possessed a solid knowledge on this balsam, its origin and its medicinal uses. In China, on the contrary, there was no further “digestion” or development of the knowledge on either Myroxylon balsamum (L.) Harms var. pereirae (Royle) Harms or Commiphora gileadensis. By the late nineteenth century, related medicinal and even geographic knowledge had mostly been lost. The interest in “balsam” in late Qing scholarship was pure encyclopaedic and philosophic.


1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 149-208
Author(s):  
Redactie KITLV

-Mohammed F. Khayum, Michael B. Connolly ,The economics of the Caribbean Basin. New York: Praeger, 1985. xxiii + 355 pp., John McDermott (eds)-Susan F. Hirsch, Herome Wendell Lurry-Wright, Custom and conflict on a Bahamian out-island. Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1987. xxii + 188 pp.-Evelyne Trouillot-Ménard, Agence de Cooperation Culturelle et Technique, 1,000 proverbes créoles de la Caraïbe francophone. Paris: Editions Caribéennes, 1987. 114 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Amon Saba Saakana, The colonial legacy in Caribbean literature. Trenton NJ: Africa World Press, Inc. 1987. 128 pp.-Andrew Sanders, Cees Koelewijn, Oral literature of the Trio Indians of Surinam. In collaboration with Peter Riviére. Dordrecht and Providence: Foris Publications, 1987. (Caribbean Series 6, KITLV/Royal Institute of Linguistics anbd Anthropology). xiv + 312 pp.-Janette Forte, Nancie L. Gonzalez, Sojouners of the Caribbean: ethnogenesis and ethnohistory of the Garifuna. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988. xi + 253 pp.-Nancie L. Gonzalez, Neil L. Whitehead, Lords of the Tiger Spirit: a history of the Caribs in colonial Venezuela and Guyana 1498-1820. Dordrecht and Providence: Foris Publications, 1988. (Caribbean Series 10, KITLV/Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology.) x + 250 pp.-N.L. Whitehead, Andrew Sanders, The powerless people. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Publishers Ltd., 1987. iv + 220 pp.-Russell Parry Scott, Kenneth F. Kiple, The African exchange: toward a biological history of black people. Durham: Duke University Press, 1987. vi + 280 pp.-Colin Clarke, David Dabydeen ,India in the Caribbean. London: Hansib Publishing Ltd., 1987. 326 pp., Brinsley Samaroo (eds)-Juris Silenieks, Edouard Glissant, Caribbean discourse: selected essays. Translated and with an introduction by J. Michael Dash. Charlottesville, Virginia: The University Press of Virginia, 1989. xlvii + 272 pp.-Brenda Gayle Plummer, J. Michael Dash, Haiti and the United States: national stereotypes and the literary imagination. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988. xv + 152 pp.-Evelyne Huber, Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti: state against nation: the origins and legacy of Duvalierism. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990. 282 pp.-Leon-Francois Hoffman, Alfred N. Hunt, Hiati's influence on Antebellum America: slumbering volcano of the Caribbean. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1988. xvi + 196 pp.-Brenda Gayle Plummer, David Healy, Drive to hegemony: the United States in the Caribbean, 1898-1917. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1988. xi + 370 pp.-Anthony J. Payne, Jorge Heine ,The Caribbean and world politics: cross currents and cleavages. New York and London: Holmes and Meier Publishers, Inc., 1988. ix + 385 pp., Leslie Manigat (eds)-Anthony P. Maingot, Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner, The Caribbean in world affairs: the foreign policies of the English-speaking states. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1989. vii + 244 pp.-Edward M. Dew, H.F. Munneke, De Surinaamse constitutionele orde. Nijmegen, The Netherlands: Ars Aequi Libri, 1990. v + 120 pp.-Charles Rutheiser, O. Nigel Bolland, Colonialism and resistance in Belize: essays in historical sociology. Benque Viejo del Carmen, Belize: Cubola Productions / Institute of Social and Economic Research / Society for the Promotion of Education and Research, 1989. ix + 218 pp.-Ken I. Boodhoo, Selwyn Ryan, Trinidad and Tobago: the independence experience, 1962-1987. St. Augustine, Trinidad: ISER, 1988. xxiii + 599 pp.-Alan M. Klein, Jay Mandle ,Grass roots commitment: basketball and society in Trinidad and Tobago. Parkersburg, Iowa: Caribbean Books, 1988. ix + 75 pp., Joan Mandle (eds)-Maureen Warner-Lewis, Reinhard Sander, The Trinidad Awakening: West Indian literature of the nineteen-thirties. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1988. 168 pp.


2008 ◽  
Vol 81 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
Daniel C. Littlefield

[First paragraph]Sugar, Slavery, and Society: Perspectives on the Caribbean, India, the Mascarenes, and the United States. Bernard Moitt (ed.). Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004. vii + 203 pp. (Cloth US $ 65.00)Tropical Babylons: Sugar and the Making of the Atlantic World, 1450-1680. Stuart B. Schwartz (ed.). Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004. xiii + 347 pp. (Paper US $ 22.50)These two books illustrate the fascination that sugar, slavery, and the plantation still exercise over the minds of scholars. One of them also reflects an interest in the influence these have had on the modern world. For students of the history of these things the Schwartz collection is in many ways the more useful. It seeks to fill a lacuna left by the concentration of monographs on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, suggesting that we know less about the history of sugar than we thought we did. Perhaps in no other single place is such a range of information on so wide an area presented in such detail for so early a period. Ranging from Iberia to the Caribbean and including consumption as well as production of sugar, with a nod to the slave trade and a very useful note on weights and currencies, this volume is a gold mine of information. It considers (briefly) the theoretical meaning as well as the growing of this important crop, contrasting its production in Iberia with that on the Atlantic islands of Madeira and the Canaries, colonized by Iberian powers, and continuing the contrast with São Tomé, off the coast of Africa, and on to Brazil and the Spanish American empire before ending with the British in Barbados. In the transit, it of necessity considers and complicates the meaning of “sugar revolution” and shows how scholars using that term do not always mean the same thing. John McCusker and Russell Menard, for example, tackling a cornerstone of the traditional interpretation of the development of sugar, argue that there was no “sugar revolution” in Barbados; economic change had already begun before sugar’s advent, though sugar may have accelerated it, and yet sugar production was transformed on the island. They also undercut, without quite denying, the significance of the Dutch role in the process. Schwartz, while questioning, lings to the traditional expression if not the traditional outlook, seeing in Barbados “the beginning of the sugar revolution” (p. 10).


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 316-324
Author(s):  
Dara V. F. Albert ◽  
Rohit R. Das ◽  
Jayant N. Acharya ◽  
Jong Woo Lee ◽  
John R. Pollard ◽  
...  

The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted the delivery of care to people with epilepsy (PWE) in multiple ways including limitations on in-person contact and restrictions on neurophysiological procedures. To better study the effect of the pandemic on PWE, members of the American Epilepsy Society were surveyed between April 30 and June 14, 2020. There were 366 initial responses (9% response rate) and 337 respondents remained for analysis after screening out noncompleters and those not directly involved with clinical care; the majority were physicians from the United States. About a third (30%) of respondents stated that they had patients with COVID-19 and reported no significant change in seizure frequency. Conversely, one-third of respondents reported new onset seizures in patients with COVID-19 who had no prior history of seizures. The majority of respondents felt that there were at least some barriers for PWE in receiving appropriate clinical care, neurophysiologic procedures, and elective surgery. Medication shortages were noted by approximately 30% of respondents, with no clear pattern in types of medication involved. Telehealth was overwhelmingly found to have value. Among the limitation of the survey was that it was administered at a single point in time in a rapidly changing pandemic. The survey showed that almost all respondents were affected by the pandemic in a variety of ways.


2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (10) ◽  
pp. 595-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kentaro Iwata ◽  
Barbara A. Smith ◽  
Eloisa Santos ◽  
Bruce Polsky ◽  
Emilia M. Sordillo

Background:Respiratory isolation for 90% of individuals with acid-fast bacillus (AFB)-smear–positive tuberculosis (TB) is a recommended performance indicator in recent Infectious Diseases Society of America and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines. However, compliance with respiratory isolation reported from multiple centers in the United States and Europe falls short of that goal.Objective:To identify missed clues in TB patients who are not appropriately isolated.Design:Retrospective survey.Setting:A 900-bed voluntary hospital.Patients:All patients with AFB-smear–positive TB admitted between January 1995 and December 1999 who were not appropriately isolated.Results:There were 173 TB cases admitted, including 106 with pulmonary TB. AFB smears were positive in 82 cases; 24 (29%) of these were not appropriately isolated. During the study period, the number of TB cases declined, but the proportion of appropriately isolated patients did not change. Most isolation failure cases were men (median age, 45.5 years); 21 of these patients were black, 2 were Hispanic white, and 1 was Asian, but none was non-Hispanic white. All isolation failure cases had at least one characteristic predictive of TB that could have been elicited at admission (eg, abnormal chest radiograph findings consistent with TB, fever, weight loss, a history of TB, a positive result on tuberculin skin test, hemoptysis, and human immunodeficiency virus infection).Conclusion:Consistent with experiences at other hospitals, we found that the rate of isolation failure remained unchanged despite an overall decline in TB cases. In our experience, almost all isolation failures could be avoided by careful review of the history, physical examination, and chest radiograph for characteristics classically considered predictive of TB. (Infect Control Hosp Epidemiol 2002;23:595-599).


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