Explicación Literal de la Doctrina de la discriçión

PMLA ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 83 (5) ◽  
pp. 1334-1346
Author(s):  
Raúl A. Del Piero

AbstractPedro de Veragüe's Doctrina de la discricon has been rightly regarded as “a most important monument of XIVth century Spanish poetry.” It has heretofore been known through a single manuscript (E) from which it has been edited twice. This study utilizes four new textual sources: a manuscript from the Colegio Mayor de San Bartoiomé: S (the best, despite the influence of the Leonese dialect); a second manuscript from the Gayangos Collection (M); a third from a private collection (R); and the only extant copy of a sixteenth-century printing preserved in the British Museum (L). As appears from the watermarks and script, R (1438-55) and S antedate the known manuscript E. M is a late copy (ca. 1535) of considerable textual value. L was preceded by editions now lost and was probably printed by Varela in Seville ca. 1525. The stemma shows that S, R, M, and L share an ancestor of which E is not a descendant. These four new texts contain new stanzas and clarify the meaning of numerous corrupt passages. The present study gives the new stanzas and some of the most important lectiones varice from S, R, M, and L. Basically a textual comment, it endeavors to explain the difficult passages of the poem and includes notes on its language, versification, and historic background. (In Spanish)


1895 ◽  
Vol 2 (5) ◽  
pp. 207-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Smith Woodward

The remains of fishes discovered in the Cambridge Greensand are all very fragmentary, and have not hitherto been subjected to the detailed comparison with other Cretaceous Ichthyolites which their interesting stratigraphical position renders desirable. Many specimens, however, are capable of at least generic determination, while many others are sufficiently characteristic fragments for the definition of the species. The present writer has thus been much interested during the past few years in studying collections of these fossils, and the following notes embody some of the results in reference to the ganoid fishes. The British Museum (Natural History) having recently acquired the collection made from the Cambridge Greensand by Mr. Thomas Jesson, F.G.S., nearly all the known species are now represented here; but the writer has also availed himself of the privilege of making use of the fine series in the Woodwardian Museum, Cambridge, and the Philosophical Society's Museum, York, thanks to the kindness of Professor McKenny Hughes, Mr. Henry Woods, and Mr. H. M. Platnauer. Mr. James Carter, M.R.C.S., has also kindly lent some Pycnodont jaws from his private collection



1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. K. Johnson

A summary view of the main evidence at our disposal may be soon obtained. Three traditions appear at the outset. The first depends on a MS. once at Mainz, and now no longer extant, but of which part, at any rate, still existed in the sixteenth century; the second on an eleventh century MS. at Bamberg; and the third on a number of later MSS. in Rome, Florence, Paris, the British Museum, Oxford, Holkham, and other places. The fact that (at any rate for preliminary investigation) these three traditions must be regarded as separate may be seen first from the parts of the decade which they each omit.



1978 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. N. MacKenzie

The Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities of the British Museum has in its collections an inscribed plaque (BM 136772) which is intriguing for bearing not one but one and a half inscriptions, for being almost perfectly legible, and yet for having no obvious purpose. There is no information about its provenance (the plaque was in a European private collection for some considerable time) other than that it is said to have come, indirectly, from Iran. Of this there can be little doubt, as we shall see. The plaque is of sheet silver, roughly rectangular, and measures approximately 13 · 5 cm. in width and 14 · 5 cm. in length. At some time it has been folded in half both ways, leaving a horizontal crack across the middle. Another crack runs across the bottom right-hand corner. It is possible to give these orientations because of the 21 lines of writing which, from their division, were incised in the plate after it acquired its present shape. The writing is ‘inscriptional’ Parthian. The first 14 lines bear a close copy of the corresponding version of the rock inscription of Shapur I at Ḥāǰīābād (by Persepolis), and 11. 15–21, probably by another hand, contain a repetition of the beginning of this. But this is by no means to say all.



PMLA ◽  
1934 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1032-1035
Author(s):  
William G. Crane

Lord Berners's translation of Diego de San Pedro's Cárcel de Amor presents a number of problems to scholars of English and Romance languages. This sentimental romance, which appeared in Spanish in 1492, was soon turned into Italian and French. The English version, The Castell of love, made by Lord Berners a few years before his death in 1533, does not appear to have been published much before the middle of the sixteenth century. Only four copies of the book in English, representing three editions, are known to exist. The British Museum possesses copies of two editions; a third edition is in the Huntington Library at San Gabriel, California. There is some disagreement over which of the English editions is the earliest, though it cannot be established with certainty that they were not preceded by some impression of which no copy is known today. A question of greater importance is whether or not Lord Berners actually translated the story, as is claimed on the title-page, from Spanish, or if he even translated a part of it from that language. If it can be determined that the claim made for a Spanish original is true, in whole or in part, this book deserves to be recognized as the first published translation from Spanish into English. The influence of the sentimental romances, such as The Castell of love, upon English fiction and wit in the sixteenth century is a subject which remains to be adequately treated.



2020 ◽  
Vol 983 ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
Quan Yu Wang ◽  
Yi Chen ◽  
Daniel O'Flynn

In this paper we examined three bronze weapons with tin-rich surface decoration from the Eastern Zhou period: a sword (1966,0222.1) with a trellis pattern, a spearhead (1947,0712.426) with a hexagonal star pattern in the British Museum collections, and a sword (GT698) with a trellis pattern from a private collection. These weapons may have come from south eastern China, a region renowned for its weaponry production in the Eastern Zhou period, as both their styles and decorations are comparable to the sword of the Yue King Goujian and the spearhead of Wu King Fuchai, two of the most typical objects of this type. The manufacturing and surface tin-rich decoration techniques were investigated using microscopy, X-ray CT imaging, X-ray fluorescence spectrometry, scanning electron microscopy equipped with energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy, and X-ray diffraction. The results showed that all the objects were made of high tin bronzes. The swords were made by casting a grip around the pre-cast blade and the pommel. The spearhead was an integral casting. The trellis pattern on the swords was probably produced by heating up a tin-rich paste applied to the surface and the thin hexagonal star decoration pattern on the spearhead was probably produced by brush painting with a mercury-tin amalgam followed by heating.



Archaeologia ◽  
1917 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 127-160
Author(s):  
George Forrest Browne

Some ten years ago, there was brought to me in Bristol a bundle of dirty and ragged old parchments, which I bought on the chance of their proving to have some interest when straightened out and cleared of dust and dirt. They were evidently parts of a service book of some kind, and they had on them some writing in an ordinary hand of the middle of the sixteenth century. I did what I could to put them in order, and then I showed them to Dr. Warner at the British Museum.



1923 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-150
Author(s):  
H. Hosten

In 1910 I published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, August number, pp. 437–61, under the title of “The Marsden MSS. in the British Museum”, some notes by W. Rees Philipps and H. Beveridge on some remarkable treasures once in the Jesuit Archives of Goa and now in the British Museum. These MSS., comprising ten volumes (Add. MSS. 9852–61), contain original letters by the Jesuit Missionaries in India and the farther East, addressed mostly to the Provincial of Goa, before the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1757 by the Marquess de Pombal. Some of the documents refer, however, to Cochin and Southern India, these portions of the mission field having belonged to Goa till the beginning of the sixteenth century.



1972 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 239-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis E. Rhodes

In December 1970 the British Museum acquired from the British School at Rome a small printed book, in quarto, undated and without title or imprint, and consisting of twelve leaves of text, with a number of woodcut ornamental borderpieces, and on the first three leaves two woodcut signs of the zodiac at the top of each page. The book is very rare, copies being known in the following libraries: Rome, Biblioteca Angelica; Vatican; Seville, Biblioteca Colombina; London, British Museum (formerly British School at Rome copy, acquired by Thomas Ashby from the Rome bookseller Silvio Bocca in 1924); Milan, private collection of C. E. Rava. Theodor Mommsen wrote in 1893 that another copy ‘nuper comparavit bibliotheca nostra regia’, i.e. the Preussische Staatsbibliothek: I have not ascertained whether this copy is still in Berlin. Sander describes the book as a Calendarium, and adds, without giving any reason, that it was printed before September, 1515. As will be seen later, it must have been printed before May, 1515. Rava, in his recent supplement to Sander, shows that as Sander had not seen a copy he makes a number of errors in his description. Rava rightly says that this little work ought to be described as ‘Calendarii et Fasti’, since it is not a calendar in the modern sense, but more precisely it reproduces the texts, partly fragmentary, of ancient calendars and Roman fasti engraved on slabs of marble, which the anonymous compiler had collected in various places.



1897 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 201-206
Author(s):  
Cecil Smith

The gem of which an engraving (in twice the actual size) is here given is a carnelian intaglio, which I found in a private collection in London in 1895. The owner, a Greek lady, resident in London, brought it to me with a bagful of similar gems, all of which had been in her possession from childhood. It appears that as a child she lived with her family at Constanza (Kustendje), and that the children playing on the beach there used frequently to find and make collections of Greek gems washed up by the sea or lying among the sand and pebbles. Her collection comprised some thirty or forty, all of which undoubtedly date from the first to the third century A.D.; but this was the only one of real importance; it was bought on my representation by Sir A. W. Franks and presented to the British Museum, where it is now exhibited among the Christian antiquities.



Archaeologia ◽  
1874 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-258
Author(s):  
Richard Henry Major

On the 14th of March last I had the honour of laying before this Society some new facts which had fallen under my notice in connection with the early discoveries of the great continental Island of Australia. One of these new facts was the very promising circumstance that there had been found in the Royal Burgundian Library in Brussels, by M. Ruelens, one of the Conservators of the Library, who had obligingly communicated to me the fact, the original autograph report to King Philip III. of a discovery of Australia in 1601 by a Portuguese named Manoel Godinho de Eredia, which discovery I had been the first to make known to the world in a paper read before this Society on the 7th of March, 1861. The report was accompanied by maps and views and portraits, and as at the time of my announcing its discovery to you I had received through M. Ruelens an obliging promise from the Chevalier d'Antas, the Portuguese Minister in Brussels, that an extract should be sent me of that portion with which I was immediately concerned, I begged that the printing of my paper should be postponed until I should possess the opportunity of incorporating into it the translation of the said extract. My reason for appearing before you without waiting till I had examined the Report with my own eyes was, that, while I had no reason to entertain the shadow of a doubt as to the corroborative nature of its contents, I had a still more important announcement to make to you respecting a yet earlier discovery of Australia in the first half of the sixteenth century. Since then I have received the promised extract, and I am sorry to have to report to you that a more unsatisfactory document has never fallen under my notice. But, in order that you may rightly estimate both it and the case to which it refers, it will be necessary that I repeat to you the leading facts and circumstances of the whole story. Up to 1861, the earliest visit to the coasts of Australia known in history in connection with the name of any ship or captain, was that made by the Dutch yacht the “Duyphen,” or “Dove,” about the month of March, 1606. This vessel had been despatched from Bantam on the 18th of November, 1605, to explore the islands of New Guinea. Her course from New Guinea was southward along the islands on the west side of Torres Strait to that part of Terra Australis a little to the west and south of Cape York, but all these lands were thought to be connected and to form the west coast of New Guinea. The Commander of the “Duyphen,” of whose name we are ignorant, was of course unconscious of the importance of his discovery. Indeed, of the discoveries made subsequently by the Dutch on the coasts of Australia, our ancestors of a hundred years ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew but little. That which was known was preserved in the “Relations de divers Voyages curieux,” of Melchisedeck Thevenot (Paris, 1663-72, fol.); in the “Noord en Oost Tartarye,” of Nicolas Witsen (Amst. 1692-1705, fol.); in Valentyn's “Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien” (Amst. 1724-26, fol.); and in the “Inleidning tot de algemeen Geographie” of Nicolas Struyk (Amst. 1740, 4to.). We have, however, since gained a variety of information, through a document which fell into the possession of Sir Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dalrymple (at that time hydrographer to the Admiralty and the East India Company) in his collection concerning Papua. This curious and interesting document is a copy of the instructions to Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second voyage of discovery. That distinguished commander had already, in 1642, discovered not only the island now named after him, Tasmania, but New Zealand also; and, passing round the east side of Australia, but without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage along the northern shores of New Guinea. In January, 1644, he was despatched on his second voyage, and his instructions, signed by the Governor-General Antonio Van Diemen and the members of the Council, are prefaced by a recital, in chronological order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch. Prom this recital, combined with a passage from Saris, given in Purchas, vol. i. p. 385, we derive the above information respecting the voyage of the Duyphen, the date of which constituted it the first authenticated discovery of Australia with which a vessel's name could be connected. In 1861, however, I ventured to dispute this priority, and I think I cannot do justice to you and to myself better than by reciting the grounds on which I did so in the very words with which I then addressed you. They are as follows: “Within the last few days I have discovered a MS. Mappemonde in the British Museum, in which on the north-west corner of a country, which I shall presently show beyond all question to be Australia, occurs the following legend: Nuca antara foi descuberta o anno 1601 por mano (sic) el godinho de Evedia (sic) por mandado de (sic) Vico Rey Aives (sic) de Saldaha,” (sic) which I scarcely need translate, Nuca Antara was discovered in the year 1601, by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by command of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha.



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