Persistence and Change in Asian Identity among Children of Intermarried Couples

1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rogelio Saenz ◽  
Sean-Shong Hwang ◽  
Benigno E. Aguirre ◽  
Robert N. Anderson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Multilevel Model ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ethnic Identities ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Asian Ethnicity ◽  
Several Variables ◽  
Asian Identity ◽  
Multiracial Children

In recent years, a significant amount of attention has been devoted to the survival of ethnicity among multiracial people in the United States. This concern is especially evident in the case of the offspring of Asian-Anglo couples. While scholars have speculated on the extent to which Asian ethnicity will continue to persist among multiracial children, little empirical work has addressed this concern. In this analysis, we use a multilevel model to examine the ethnic identification (as reported by parents) of children of Asian-Anglo couples. Data from the 1980 Public-Use Microdata Sample for California are used in the analysis. The results indicate that the majority of the children had Anglo ethnic identities. The multivariate findings also identify several variables that are related to children's ethnic identification.

Sanctuary?

2021 ◽  
pp. 30-49
Author(s):  
Kayla Marie Martensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Women Of Color ◽  
White Women ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
American Society ◽  
Prison Populations ◽  
State Protection

Influenced by critical carceral studies and abolition feminism, this non-empirical work identifies a political, social and economic carceral system that is fueled by existing racist, sexist, classist, homophobic, ableist and xenophobic ideologies, which both minimize resources for Latinx/a women and girls and increases the level of state violence perpetrated against them. The consequences of dispossession, subjugation and stigmatization have impacted Latina/x women's access to livable waged jobs, healthcare, safe and healthy food and water, adequate living conditions, quality education, and acceptance in American society. This violence is justified and considered necessary by constructing Latina/x women and girls as unworthy of state protection and state resource and as threats to the economy, culture and politics of the United States. Latina/x women, like other women of color, are not afforded the protections extended to white women by the state. Many Americans do not see them as the “good victim”, but often they are the “bad woman”, “bad mother”, “sexual deviant”, exploited laborer, culturally defiant, and increasingly they are “illegal”, “criminal” and “terrorist”. This results in Latinx/a women and girls being more likely to be imprisoned than white women and are one of the fastest growing prison populations in the United States.

scholarly journals Ethnic and Racial Identities of Second-Generation Black Immigrants in New York City

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 795-820 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary C. Waters
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
York City ◽  
Second Generation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ethnic Identities ◽  
Black American ◽  
Race And Class ◽  
Origin Identity

This article explores the types of racial and ethnic identities adopted by a sample of 83 adolescent second-generation West Indian and Haitian Americans in New York City. The subjective understandings these youngsters have of being American, of being black American, and of their ethnic identities are described and contrasted with the identities and reactions of first-generation immigrants from the same countries. Three types of identities are evident among the second generation – a black American identity, an ethnic or hyphenated national origin identity, and an immigrant identity. These different identities are related to different perceptions and understandings of race relations and of opportunities in the United States. Those youngsters who identify as black Americans tend to see more racial discrimination and limits to opportunities for blacks in the United States. Those who identify as ethnic West Indians tend to see more opportunities and rewards for individual effort and initiative. I suggest that assimilation to America for the second-generation black immigrant is complicated by race and class and their interaction, with upwardly mobile second-generation youngsters maintaining ethnic ties to their parents’ national origins and with poor inner city youngsters assimilating to the black American peer culture that surrounds them.

Immigration and the Nation-State: The United States, Germany, and Great Britain. By Christian Joppke. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. 356p. $72.00 cloth, $22.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 260-261
Author(s):  
Gary P. Freeman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Oxford University ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
National Comparison ◽  
Elite Interviews ◽  
Primary Materials ◽  
Cross National

This book will enhance Christian Joppke's growing reputa- tion as one of the most thoughtful commentators on the politics of international migration and citizenship. Immigra- tion and the Nation-State is an impressive cross-national comparison that builds on elite interviews and reanalysis of primary materials, but its chief value is in its bold synthesis and critique of a rapidly growing and highly disjointed secondary literature. Although it assesses a variety of theo- retical concepts, the book is primarily a historically rooted, richly empirical work of analysis and interpretation. Joppke deals expertly with three liberal states with different nation- hood traditions and immigration histories. The United King- dom is distinctive in that it was at once a nation-state and an empire. The United States is the only case of the three in which governments deliberately sought to foster immigration for settlement. Germany was a divided nation whose com- mitment to reunification, embedded in the Basic Law, posed particularly troublesome issues for immigration and citizen- ship policy.

Institutional Logics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather A. Haveman ◽  
Gillian Gualtieri
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
Reliability And Validity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Institutional Logics ◽  
Theoretical Development ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Empirical Measures ◽  
Meta Analyses

Research on institutional logics surveys systems of cultural elements (values, beliefs, and normative expectations) by which people, groups, and organizations make sense of and evaluate their everyday activities, and organize those activities in time and space. Although there were scattered mentions of this concept before 1990, this literature really began with the 1991 publication of a theory piece by Roger Friedland and Robert Alford. Since that time, it has become a large and diverse area of organizational research. Several books and thousands of papers and book chapters have been published on this topic, addressing institutional logics in sites as different as climate change proceedings of the United Nations, local banks in the United States, and business groups in Taiwan. Several intellectual precursors to institutional logics provide a detailed explanation of the concept and the theory surrounding it. These literatures developed over time within the broader framework of theory and empirical work in sociology, political science, and anthropology. Papers published in ten major sociology and management journals in the United States and Europe (between 1990 and 2015) provide analysis and help to identify trends in theoretical development and empirical findings. Evaluting these trends suggest three gentle corrections and potentially useful extensions to the literature help to guide future research: (1) limiting the definition of institutional logic to cultural-cognitive phenomena, rather than including material phenomena; (2) recognizing both “cold” (purely rational) cognition and “hot” (emotion-laden) cognition; and (3) developing and testing a theory (or multiple related theories), meaning a logically interconnected set of propositions concerning a delimited set of social phenomena, derived from assumptions about essential facts (axioms), that details causal mechanisms and yields empirically testable (falsifiable) hypotheses, by being more consistent about how we use concepts in theoretical statements; assessing the reliability and validity of our empirical measures; and conducting meta-analyses of the many inductive studies that have been published, to develop deductive theories.

Adult Pornography and Violence Against Women in the Heartland: Results From a Rural Southeast Ohio Study

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (7) ◽  
pp. 830-849 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter S. DeKeseredy ◽  
Amanda Hall-Sanchez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Rural Women ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Intimate Violence ◽  
Woman Abuse ◽  
Future Directions ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Depth Interviews

Many rural parts of the United States are now “pornified.” There is growing quantitative evidence revealing that rural women are at higher risk of being victimized by intimate violence than their urban and suburban counterparts. In-depth interviews with 55 rural southeast Ohio women who wanted to leave, were trying to leave, or were in the process of leaving, or who have left their male marital/cohabiting partners reveal that pornography is a major component of the problem of rural woman abuse. The main objective of this article is twofold: (a) to present the results of our qualitative study, and (b) to suggest future directions in theoretical and empirical work.

scholarly journals City as Flux: Interrogating the Changing Nature of Urban Change

2022 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Aseem Inam
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Las Vegas ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Urban Change ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
The World ◽  
The City

What do we mean by the changing nature of urban change? First of all, in the 20th and 21st centuries, cities have been changing in different and dramatic ways, whether through grassroots mobilizations, through technological leaps, or through profit-driven speculations. Second, our understanding of how cities change has also been evolving, in particularly through empirical work that challenges the broad-brush universalizations of conventional thinking. The authors of the six selected articles take us through an around-the-world tour of cities and regions that range from Mulhouse in France to Dakar in Senegal to Las Vegas in the United States to Bogota in Colombia and beyond. Each author carefully examines the nature of urban change and how planners, developers, and citizens are either dealing with that change or even shaping it. Together, what the articles suggest is that we need a more fine-grained understanding of the city as flux in order to obtain better theoretical insights as well as urban practices that can better manage and ultimately shape urban change to benefit citizens, especially those who are marginalized.

scholarly journals Assessing Dimensions of the Security-Liberty Trade-off in the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-120
Author(s):  
Brian S Krueger ◽  
Samuel J. Best ◽  
Kristin Johnson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Opinion Leadership ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
Terrorism Threat ◽  
Practical Implications

The trade-off between security and liberty has been a leading frame for understanding public opinion about domestic surveillance policies. Most of the empirical work explicitly examining whether individuals meet the trade-off framework’s core attitudinal assumptions comes from European studies. This study uses a survey of US residents to assess the veracity of the assumptions embedded in the trade-off framework, namely whether domestic counterterrorism policies are simultaneously viewed as improving security and decreasing liberty. We find that the vast majority of US respondents do not meet the basic attitudinal assumptions of the trade-off frame. Next, we evaluate the source of these attitudes with a focus on whether attitudes toward surveillance policies merely relate to core political values or whether they also depend on the messages from political leaders. We find that both political values and opinion leadership shape these attitudes. Finally, because general attitudes towards surveillance and privacy often fail to have practical implications, we assess whether these attitudes matter for understanding the structure of policy support. Our results show that heightened terrorism threat positively associates with increased support for counterterrorism policies only when people believe these policies are effective security tools.

scholarly journals Cooperative Militarization

2022 ◽  
Vol 91 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-65
Author(s):  
Symbol Lai
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Agricultural Cooperatives ◽  
Cooperative Network ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Discipline ◽  
The U.S

In 1951, six years after the United States defeated Japan and commenced the Occupation of Okinawa, the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyus (USCAR) issued an ordinance in support of agricultural cooperatives. Despite the appearance of altruism, the move marked the emergence of the U.S. anticolonial empire, a form that advocated racial and ethnic self-determination even as it expanded the U.S. military presence. This article shows how U.S. policymakers in Okinawa borrowed from modernization theory to implement models to foster ethnic identification through economic development. Their plans sought to render the United States an ally to Okinawa freedom despite the devastating effects militarism had on the local landscape. Specifically, military plans posited frameworks like the Okinawan economy, which strategically turned the military into a partner without whom Okinawa could not modernize. The article further focuses on agriculture, an arena where the contradictions of the U.S. Occupation was most acute. It argues that rehabilitating the local cooperative network drew Okinawans into the military project, not only to paper over the U.S. colonial presence, but also to further the reach of military discipline.

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