Warren G. Harding and The Dominican Republic U.S. Withdrawal, 1921-1923

1969 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Good Will ◽  
Armed Intervention ◽  
The Military

When it assumed office in 1921 the Harding administration found itself confronted with the problem of arranging the withdrawal of American troops from the Dominican Republic. Terminating the American presence in that country was part of the administration's policy of improving relations with Latin America, and both Warren G. Harding and Charles Evans Hughes were strongly committed to this goal. They believed that abandoning armed intervention in favor of advice and counsel would foster good will in Latin America and ultimately benefit the United States by enabling it to garner the trade and support of the region. The president and secretary of state also contended that such a policy could stabilize the area and thereby render the military interventions of the past unnecessary. Thus withdrawal from the Dominican Republic was part of a larger policy.

The Concept of the Caribbean in the Latin American Policy of the United States

1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-308
Author(s):  
Harold Molineu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
The Past ◽  
Caribbean Area ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Armed Intervention ◽  
Special Region

During the past twenty years, the United States has been involved in three cases of armed intervention in Latin America: Guatemala in 1954, Cuba in 1961, and the Dominican Republic in 1965. In addition, there was the naval blockade and possibility of intervention in Cuba in 1962 during the missile crisis. Each of these episodes occurred in the Caribbean region (defined as including those areas either in or adjacent to the Caribbean Sea). There were no similar armed interventions elsewhere in Latin America during this period, and in fact, all of the incidents of United States armed intervention in the Twentieth Century have taken place in the Caribbean area. Therefore, in its actions in Latin America, the United States appears to distinguish between the Caribbean area and the rest of the continent. The Caribbean is treated as a special region where military intervention is apparently more justifiable than elsewhere in Latin America. Only in the area outside the Caribbean has Washington found it possible to abide by its inter-American treaty commitments to nonintervention.

The Issue of Religious Liberty in the United States Commercial Treaty with Colombia, 1824

1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-301
Author(s):  
Wilkins B. Winn
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious Liberty ◽  
Latin American Nation ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
American Nation

The Republic of Colombia was the first Latin American nation to which the United States extended a formal act of recognition in 1822. This country was also the first of these new republics with which the United States negotiated a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation. The importance of incorporating the principle of religious liberty in our first commercial treaty with Latin America was revealed in the emphasis that John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, placed on it in his initial instructions to Richard Clough Anderson, Jr., Minister Plenipotentiary to Colombia. Religious liberty was one of the specific articles stipulated by Adams for insertion in the prospective commercial treaty.

THE RACIAL UNCONSCIOUS OF ASSIMILATION THEORY1

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moon-Kie Jung
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Assimilation Theory ◽  
Segmented Assimilation ◽  
Oppositional Culture ◽  
National Belonging ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Caribbean

AbstractIn the past two decades, migration scholars have revised and revitalized assimilation theory to study the large and growing numbers of migrants from Latin America, Asia, and the Caribbean and their offspring in the United States. Neoclassical and segmented assimilation theories seek to make sense of the current wave of migration that differs in important ways from the last great wave at the turn of the twentieth century and to overcome the conceptual shortcomings of earlier theories of assimilation that it inspired. This article examines some of the central assumptions and arguments of the new theories. In particular, it undertakes a detailed critique of their treatment of race and finds that they variously engage in suspect comparisons to past migration from Europe; read out or misread the qualitatively different historical trajectories of European and non-European migrants; exclude native-born Blacks from the analysis; fail to conceptually account for the key changes that are purported to facilitate “assimilation”; import the dubious concept of the “underclass” to characterize poor urban Blacks and others; laud uncritically the “culture” of migrants; explicitly or implicitly advocate the “assimilation” of migrants; and discount the political potential of “oppositional culture.” Shifting the focus fromdifferencetoinequalityanddomination, the article concludes with a brief proposal for reorienting our theoretical approach, fromassimilationto thepolitics of national belonging.

Blaine, Garfield and Latin America: A New Look

1979 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-89
Author(s):  
Allan Peskin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
New Look

IF, as has been suggested, a country without a foreign policy is a happy country, then the United States must have reached the peak of its felicity between the Civil War and the turn of the century. Of all the Secretaries of State in that otherwise obscure progression from William Seward to John Hay only one has managed to escape oblivion and capture the imagination of diplomatic historians. That exception is James G. Blaine. Secretary of State on two separate occasions and under three different presidents, Blaine brought to his office not only his personal dynamism but also an apparently well thought-out conception of foreign affairs. Unlike his contemporaries, who seemed content merely to react to events, Blaine appeared to have a policy. The genesis of that policy has been a source of controversy ever since.

Latin America, the United States and the Birth of Israel: The case of Somoza's Nicaragua

1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ignacio Klich
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Assistance ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The Military

With the downfall of the Somoza regime and coming to power of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) in July 1979, Israeli– Nicaraguan relations declined, to be eventually cut off three years later. An important contributing factor to the deterioration and breach of relations was Israel's involvement with Anastasio (Tachito) Somoza Debayle, in particular the military assistance which his faltering regime received from the Likud government until shortly before the end. By no means Tachito's sole armourer,1 the salience of Israel's role was, nonetheless, noted by many, including Somoza Debayle himself.2 This, however, was justified by Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin as the sole honourable course of action in view of earlier favours to the Zionist cause, going back to the pre-state period, by Tachito's father, Anastasio (Tacho) Somoza García.

The Understanding of other Cultures: Latin America

1955 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Henry Grattan Doyle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
New World ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Brave New World ◽  
Written Materials ◽  
Vast Area ◽  
Modern Sense

A POPULAR RADIO SERIES a dozen years ago, dealing broadly with the important area that is the subject of my talk tonight, was called (borrowing its title from Shakespeare) “Brave New World.” Braver still, in the modern sense, is the commentator who tries in a brief talk like this to deal with even one phase of the vast area, of some eight million square miles, and constituting about one-fifth of the world’s inhabited continents, that lies South of the continental United States. But I am what is called in Spanish an “Old Christian” in these matters, which may be roughly interpreted as the opposite of a “Johnny-Come-Lately,” as our own phrase has it. I have been a student of this area for nearly fifty years, a teacher of one of its languages, Spanish, and of the literature and other written materials published in that language, for more than forty years. During the past four years I have spent my summer vacations on educational missions that took me to all of the American republics except two—Bolivia and Paraguay. In some instances I have made two or three visits to individual countries during that period, supplementing a number of earlier trips, the first of which was in 1916. So I must be as “brave” as the fascinating and to us tremendously important complex of nations that make up the New World outside of the United States and Canada, which for want of a really accurate term we call Latin America.

East Asian, European, and North American Multinational Firm Strategies in Latin America

2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lourdes Casanova
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The United States ◽  
Multinational Firm ◽  
Macroeconomic Conditions ◽  
Firm Strategies ◽  
The Past ◽  
High Level

Over the past decade, multinationals (MNCs) have followed three main objectives while entering Latin America: efficiency seeking, growth seeking, and resource seeking. Efficiency seeking MNCs aim to reduce costs in their global production process through access to cheaper labor, and proximity to destination markets such as the United States. Growth seeking firms enter Latin American markets to grow and/or acquire new markets. They are by nature more dependent on the macroeconomic conditions in local markets for their success. Resource seeking firms enter Latin America in the search of minerals, metals, and hydrocarbons. This paper introduces the concept of “natural markets” to explain the relative successes of MNCs from different regions – Europe (mainly Iberian), USA, and Asia. ‘Natural markets’ for a MNC are defined as those markets sharing a common history or language or having a high level of physical proximity with the country of origin of the MNC. This paper proposes that a firm focusing on natural markets has a comparative advantage, and thus increases the probability of its success. The paper also draws upon the experiences of successful MNCs in Latin America to infer some lessons for East Asian MNCs wishing to operate in the region.

Security Council

1966 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-130 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
Security Council ◽  
The United States ◽  
Domestic Affairs ◽  
Armed Intervention

Between May 3 and July 26, 1965, the Security Council devoted 30 meetings to consideration of the situation in the Dominican Republic. The Council placed this item on its agenda at the request of Nikolai Fedorenko (Soviet Union) who in a letter of May I had called for an urgent meeting of the Council to consider the question of the armed intervention of the United States in the domestic affairs of the Dominican Republic.

scholarly journals Venezuela and its Neighbors: The Discursive Struggle for Latin America

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (57) ◽  
pp. 53-69
Author(s):  
José Oviedo Pérez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Multiple Levels ◽  
Deep Recession

Over the past decade, Venezuela has entered into a deep recession, which has resulted in millions migrating abroad. In February of 2019, the United States and its allies recognized the interim government of Juan Guaidó, creating a standoff with the Chavista government of Nicolás Maduro. This article conducts a nuanced analysis of the situation in Venezuela across multiple levels as it problematizes our ontological understanding of individuals, states, and international system. Through a post-structuralist approach to security, I argue that individuals have been portrayed in contradictory humanitarian discourses as a means of advancing particular political interests. Furthermore, I critically analyze the role of space, time, and multilateralism, and their subsequent effects for 21stcentury global order.

Foreign Interventions Are Normal

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Owen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
Western History ◽  
The Third ◽  
Normal Part ◽  
The Past

This chapter considers the third lesson for Islamism and secularism: foreign interventions are normal. The United States is known to engage in various military interventions worldwide, including Afghanistan and Iraq, but it is not the only country that uses force to change other countries' domestic regimes or leaders. More than 200 such interventions have been attempted by great powers over the past 500 years. Indeed, Western history shows that such forcible interventions are a normal part of transnational ideological struggles. The chapter examines the dynamics at work in all three historic cases of ideological contests in Europe: the struggle between Catholics and Protestants, the struggle between monarchism and republicanism, and the struggle between communism, fascism, and democracy. It suggests that we should expect more foreign interventions as long as Muslims contend over the best way to order their societies.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document