A North-South Dilemma: The Need and Limits of Conditionalities in the Americas

1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markos Mamalakis
Keyword(s):  
Adam Smith ◽  
The United States ◽  
Financial Assets ◽  
The South ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
Degree Of Confidence ◽  
Wealth Of Nations

Commerce and manufactures can seldom flourish long in any state which does not enjoy a regular administration of justice, in which the people do not feel themselves secure in the possession of their property, in which the faith of contracts is not supported by law, and in which the authority of the state is not supposed to be regularly employed in enforcing the payment of debts from all those who are able to pay. Commerce and manufactures, in short, can seldom flourish in any state in which there is not a certain degree of confidence in the justice of government.Adam Smith, The Wealth Of NationsBook y Chapter III, p. 862Economic relations between the United States and Central and South America are pervasive, complicated and ever changing. The nature of these relations, i.e., conflict, cooperation or neutrality in settling issues, depends on the degree and the form in which their respective markets for inputs (labor, land, capital and technology), outputs (goods and services), financial assets and unilateral transfers interact. These relations evolve around and arise from the movement of people, goods, services and financial assets between the North and the South, and within the South.

Art. VII.—Notes on Persian Belúchistán. From the Persian of Mirza Mehdy Khán. Published Teheran, July, 1875

1876 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-154
Author(s):  
A. H. Schindler
Keyword(s):  
Indian Ocean ◽  
Temperate Climate ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
The Hill ◽  
Cool Climate

The part of Belúchistán now under Persian rule is bounded upon the north by Seistán, upon the east by Panjgúr and Kej, upon the south by the Indian Ocean, and upon the west by Núrámshír, Rúdbár, and the Báshákerd mountains.This country enjoys a variety of climates; almost unbearable heat exists on the Mekrán coast, we find a temperate climate on the hill slopes and on the slightly raised plains as at Duzek and Bampúr, and a cool climate in the mountainous districts Serhad and Bazmán. The heat at Jálq is said to be so intense in summer that the gazelles lie down exhausted in the plains, and let themselves be taken by the people without any trouble.

scholarly journals Graffiti, stempels en tituli picti op amforen

1970 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 101-129
Author(s):  
Patrick Monsieur
Keyword(s):  
Olive Oil ◽  
The South ◽  
Low Countries ◽  
Ancient Economy ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Shed Light

In Roman times there was a massive import of olive-oil from Baetica (actualAndalusia) to feed the army at the Limes in Rhineland and Scotland. ThisMediterranean product was transported in large amphorae of the Dressel 20type that bear different types of epigraphy: graffiti, stamps en tituli picti (paintedinscriptions). The Low Countries forming the Hinterland took part inthis commerce, hence the discovery of large amounts of amphora fragments,still bearing regularly epigraphy. This written heritage is not only ill-knownand neglected in the Benelux, but also threatened because of the bad conditionsin which they are collected and stored. The information provided bythese epigraphical sources is of uppermost importance to the knowledge ofthe ancient economy in the Empire, as well in the south as in the north andrepresents an important witness of romanisation. They shed light on the productionof the amphorae and the olive-oil in Baetica, and on its commercialisationto the northern fringes of the Empire, giving at the same time thenames of all the people involved in these activities.

scholarly journals Particularity of Canada-Mexico bilateral relations (from beginning to entry into force NAFTA Agreement)

2018 ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
Oleh Bulka
Keyword(s):  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mutual Cooperation ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Organizational Mechanism ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

The article is devoted to the particularity of Canada-Mexico bilateral relations in the period from their beginning to signing and entry into force the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It is noted that from the time of first contacts bilateral relations between two countries have developed unevenly with periods of increase and periods of decline. It is determined that in the history of Canada-Mexico relations before signing NAFTA can be identified four main periods. The first one is a period of early contacts that lasted from the end of XIX century to the establishment of the official diplomatic relations between Canada and Mexico in 1944. In this period of time ties between the two countries were extremely weak. The second period lasted from 1944 to the end of the 1960s. This period clearly shows the limits of cooperation between Canada and Mexico after the establishment of the official diplomatic ties, but it is also possible to see a certain coincidence between the values and diplomatic strategies of these countries. The third period of Canada-Mexico relations lasted from the beginning of the 1970s to the end of the 1980s. During this period, both Canada and Mexico try to diversify their foreign policy and strengthen the organizational mechanism of mutual cooperation. But it is also shown that despite the warm political rhetoric, there was some distance in Canada-Mexico relations. The fourth period of the relations lasted from the late 1980s until the NAFTA treaty came into force in 1994. At that time Canadian and Mexican governments began to give priority to economic relations over political and diplomatic ones. It was revealed that the main influencing factors of bilateral relations between Mexico and Canada were the impact of third countries, especially the United Kingdom and the United States, regional and global economic conditions, and the attitude to the bilateral relations of the political elites of both countries.

scholarly journals Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950

2010 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 742-767 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzy Kim
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
North Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Woman Question ◽  
Critical Element ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The South ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Korean History ◽  
The North

Women today are struggling with all their passion and all their strength day and night for the creation of a new history of a democratic country. Today in the streets, men, women, the old, the young, everyone stops to listen to the women.———Nam Hyǒn-sǒ, “Women of a New Country,” January 1947In Korea from ancient times, the master of the home was thought to refer to the husband … we now realize that the master of the home must be the woman, that is, the wife or mother.———Chang Chǒng-suk, “The New Home and Housewife,” October 1947All social revolutions in modern history, from the Russian Revolution of 1917 to the Cuban one of 1959, have attempted to address the status of women as a critical element of social change.1North Korea was no different. With Japan's defeat in World War II, Korea was liberated from its thirty-five-year colonial rule, and as in many postcolonial nations after the war, revolution was in the air.2When the Cold War came early to the peninsula, Korea took two divergent paths. Divided at the 38th parallel into separate occupation zones, with the United States in the south and the USSR in the north, social reforms were carried out swiftly in the north, aided and abetted by the Soviets, while in the south, the American occupiers saw most Korean political movements as too radical and suppressed them. In what follows, I focus on the formative years of early North Korean history, the five-year period between the end of Japanese colonial rule in 1945 and the start of the Korean War in 1950. I show how North Korea from the outset attempted to meld the old and the new through the figure of the revolutionary mother as a uniquely feminine revolutionary subjectivity. This sets the North Korean case apart from other historical examples of social revolutions and their handling of “the woman question.”

scholarly journals Performance of Landscape Roses Grown with Minimal Input in the North-central, Central, and South-central United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 718-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
David C. Zlesak ◽  
Randy Nelson ◽  
Derald Harp ◽  
Barbara Villarreal ◽  
Nick Howell ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Flower Number ◽  
North Central ◽  
The North ◽  
South Central ◽  
Central United States ◽  
Plant Hardiness

Landscape roses (Rosa sp.) are popular flowering shrubs. Consumers are less willing or able to maintain landscape beds than in years past and require plants that are not only attractive, but well-adapted to regional climatic conditions, soil types, and disease and pest pressures. Marketing and distribution of rose cultivars occurs on a national level; therefore, it is difficult for U.S. consumers in the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Plant Hardiness Zones 3 to 5 to identify well-adapted, cold-hardy cultivars. Identifying suitable cultivars that have strong genetic resistance to pests and disease and that will tolerate temperature extremes without winter protection in the USDA Plant Hardiness Zones 3 to 5 is of tremendous value to consumers and retailers in northern states. Twenty landscape rose cultivars, primarily developed in north-central North America, were evaluated at five locations in the United States (three in the north-central United States, one in the central United States, and one in the south-central United States) using the low-input, multiyear Earth-Kind® methodology. Six roses had ≥75% plant survival at the end of the study and were in the top 50% of performers for overall mean horticultural rating at each of the three north-central U.S. sites: ‘Lena’, ‘Frontenac’, ‘Ole’, ‘Polar Joy’, ‘Sunrise Sunset’, and ‘Sven’. Five of these six roses met the same criteria at the central United States (exception ‘Lena’) and the south-central United States (exception ‘Polar Joy’) sites. Cultivar, rating time, and their interaction were highly significant, and block effects were not significant for horticultural rating for all single-site analyses of variance. Significant positive correlations were found between sites for flower number, flower diameter, and overall horticultural rating. Significant negative correlations were found between flower number and diameter within each site and also between black spot (Diplocarpon rosae) lesion size from a previous study and overall horticultural rating for three of the five sites. Cane survival ratings were not significantly correlated with overall horticultural rating, suggesting some cultivars can experience severe winter cane dieback, yet recover and perform well. Data from this study benefit multiple stakeholders, including nurseries, landscapers, and consumers, with evidence-based regional cultivar recommendations and breeders desiring to identify regionally adapted parents.

“We have left undone those things which we ought to have done”: Southern Religious History in Retrospect and Prospect

1998 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald G. Mathews
Keyword(s):  
New England ◽  
American South ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious History ◽  
The South ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The American South ◽  
American Society ◽  
The Many

One of the most distinguishing marks of the American South is that religion is more important for the people who live there than for their fellow citizens in the restof the country. When this trait began to identify the region is surprisingly unclear, but it has begun to attract attention from scholars of religion and society who have hitherto been esteemed as students primarily of areas outside the South. The study of religion in Dixie cannot but benefit from this change. After centuries of obsession with thickly settled, college-proud, and printexpressive New England—an area not noted for excessive modesty in thinking about its place in the New World—students of American religion are turning to a region whose history has sustained a selfconsciousness that makes its place in American religious history unique. For studying the American South begins with a dilemma born of ambiguity: whether to treat it as a place or an idea. Sometimes, to be sure, the South appears to be both; but sometimes it is “place” presented as an idea; and sometimes it is a place whose historical experience should have, according to reflective writers, taught Americans historical and moral lessons they have failed to learn. Confusion results in part from the South's contested history not only between the region and the rest of the United States but also among various competing groups within its permeable and frequently indistinct borders. Differences between region and nation will, however, continue to dominate conversation even though the myth of southern distinctiveness may mislead students as much as the myth of its evangelical homogeneity. If inquiry about religion in the South should be sensitive to the many faith communities there, the history of the South will still by contrast provide insight into the broader “American” society.

scholarly journals "Insufferably Stupid or Miserably Out of Place": F. A. P. Barnard and His Scientific Instrument Collection in the Antebellum South

2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Case
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Scientific Instrument ◽  
Antebellum South ◽  
University Of Mississippi ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
The University ◽  
Practice Of Science

In the 1850s, the American scientist and educator Frederick A. P. Barnard created a collection of scientific apparatus at the University of Mississippi in Oxford, Mississippi, of a size and expense that surpassed any collection in the United States at that time. The collection, which would come to include over three hundred instruments of both American and European manufacture, was the attempt by Barnard, born and educated in the North, to bring Big Science to the South and challenge the dominance of Northern schools in science education. In this respect it failed, and the collection became a forgotten footnote in the history of Southern science. This article examines the importance of the collection in understanding science at U.S. universities before the Civil War and what Barnard referred to as the "scientific atmosphere" of the South. The first section compares the collection to others of the period, highlighting its historical uniqueness and significance. The second section uses Barnard's correspondence to construct a narrative of the collection's assembly, providing insight into the international scientific instrument market of the period as well as the difficulties he faced working in the antebellum South. Finally, an examination of Barnard's perceptions regarding intellectual isolation and the failure of his endeavor highlights differences perceived by scientists of the day concerning the practice of science in the North versus in the South prior to the Civil War.

scholarly journals THE ECONOMIC POLICY PECULIARITIES OF THE “HISTORICAL RIGHT” GOVERNMENTS OF THE KINGDOM OF ITALY (1861-1876)

2018 ◽  
pp. 48-52
Author(s):  
M. Mykhailenko M. Mykhailenko
Keyword(s):  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Foreign Investments ◽  
State Budget ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The North ◽  
Further Development

This research analyses the economic policies peculiarities of the “historical right” governments of the Kingdom of Italy from the first stage of the unification of this country into a single nation state and rise of the “historical right” governments to power till the transfer of power to the “historical left”. It also specifies the main directions of economic reforms in a certain period of time and their impact on the further development of the state. The research establishes that the liberal economic model for country’s development chosen by its leadership at the very beginning allowed to quickly create the domestic market of goods and services, establish fruitful foreign economic relations with the greatest economic powers of that time and attract foreign investments into the Kingdom, promoting the development of the Kingdom’s agricultural sector and accumulating a substantial capital within the country. However, given the significant economic backwardness of the states of the Apennine peninsula before the unification and the actual abolition of customs barriers in trade with more powerful European countries after 1861, it had a negative impact on the country’s weak industry and deepened the distortion of development along the north-south line. The undeniable achievement of the "historical right" governments in the fiscal policy was the overcoming of the huge deficit of the state budget before 1876.

Mexico and the Pacific

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward R. Slack
Keyword(s):  
Mexican American ◽  
Pacific Coast ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The South ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Mexican American War ◽  
The North ◽  
The Pacific

Called “Mar del Sur” [South Sea] when first spotted by Balboa in 1513 and dubbed “Mar Pacifíco” [Peaceful Calm Sea] by Ferdinand Magellan in 1520, the historical relationship between the Pacific Ocean and the people of Mexico is multilayered and dynamic. During the Spanish colonial era (1521–1821), the viceroyalty of New Spain (Nueva España) supervised the Asian and Polynesian colonies of the Philippines and Guam (and briefly Taiwan and the Spice island of Ternate) across the Pacific. Acapulco became a mythical emporium of exotic luxury supplied by the galleons from Manila that for 250 years tied Asia to the Iberian New World. Beyond this famous port, littoral native communities dotting the Pacific coast, from Oaxaca in the south to the forty-second parallel of Alta California in the north, gradually fell under Spanish secular and religious control. The enormous coastline measured approximately 5,400 miles, more than double the length of seaside territory facing the Gulf of Mexico. Following the War of Mexican Independence (1810–1821), the United Mexican States (Estados Unidos Mexicanos) emerged. For the next fifty years, Mexico experienced domestic political instability exacerbated by wars against the United States (Mexican-American War, 1846–1848) and France (1862–1867). When political order was finally established under the regime of Porfirio Díaz (1876–1910), regionalism was confronted by the centrifugal power of a modernizing, technocratic state. Despite losing 840 miles of California coastline, and a lucrative trade route with Manila, in the Mexican-American War, Mexico’s Pacific littoral in the south grew to incorporate the formerly Guatemalan territory of Chiapas, and a new shipping network evolved. Traditional research on pueblos, cities, or states along the Pacific coast emphasizes purely local or regional contexts within the colonial or independent Mexican state; or it is grouped thematically into studies about the galleon trade or California mission settlements. Recent scholarship is encouraging a more balanced approach, accentuating the many threads that wove a rich tapestry of Mexico’s unique relationship with the “Pacific World” (as opposed to the more popular “Atlantic World”); not only in a nationalist framework, but with inter-American and trans-Pacific or global dimensions.

The Vietnam War

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Gawthorpe
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Communist State ◽  
The North ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
North Vietnam

From 1965 to 1973, the United States attempted to prevent the absorption of the non-Communist state of South Vietnam by Communist North Vietnam as part of its Cold War strategy of containment. In doing so, the United States had to battle both the North Vietnamese military and guerrillas indigenous to South Vietnam. The Johnson administration entered the war without a well-thought-out strategy for victory, and the United States quickly became bogged down in a bloody stalemate. A major Communist assault in 1968 known as the Tet Offensive convinced US leaders of the need to seek a negotiated solution. This task fell to the Nixon administration, which carried on peace talks while simultaneously seeking ways to escalate the conflict and force North Vietnam to make concessions. Eventually it was Washington that made major concessions, allowing North Vietnam to keep its forces in the South and leaving South Vietnam in an untenable position. US troops left in 1973 and Hanoi successfully invaded the South in 1975. The two Vietnams were formally unified in 1976. The war devastated much of Vietnam and came at a huge cost to the United States in terms of lives, resources, and political division at home. It gave birth to the largest mass movement against a war in US history, motivated by opposition both to conscription and to the damage that protesters perceived the war was doing to the United States. It also raised persistent questions about the wisdom of both military intervention and nation-building as tools of US foreign policy. The war has remained a touchstone for national debate and partisan division even as the United States and Vietnam moved to normalize diplomatic relations with the end of the Cold War.

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