The US - Cuba Agenda Opportunity or Stalemate

1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Pamela S. Falk

With the passage by the 104th Congress of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996 (Helms-Burton), signed into law by the president on 12 March 1996, relations between the United States and Cuba became the subject of quietly intense international discourse. Whether this multinational concern serves simply to strain US relations with its European and Latin American allies or to precipitate fundamental change in Cuba depends largely on the actions of President Clinton and, of course, on those of his nemesis, Cuba’s President Fidel Castro.

2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 297-298

This chapter assesses Laura Limonic's Kugel and Frijoles: Latino Jews in the United States (2019). This sociological study focuses on Latinx Jews who have migrated to the United States since 1965, largely from Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela. Limonic establishes that the earlier migration of Cuban Jews to Miami in the early 1960s created a precedent for other Latin American Jews to search for a new home and a new sense of identity as “Latino Jews” in the United States. Fleeing the turn to Communism after Fidel Castro came to power in 1959, thousands of Cuban Jews arrived in Miami hoping to be welcomed into the American Jewish communal and religious institutions of the day. Instead, they discovered that their Cubanness made their Jewishness suspect at a time when multiculturalism was not yet in vogue. As a result, they had to build their own religious and social spaces, constructing an Ashkenazi synagogue, the Cuban Hebrew Congregation of Miami, and a Sephardic synagogue, Temple Moses.


Author(s):  
Selfa A. Chew

The lives of Latin American Japanese were disrupted during World War II, when their civil and human rights were suspended. National security and continental defense were the main reasons given by the American countries consenting to their uprooting. More than 2,000 ethnic Japanese from Peru, Panama, Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico, and Nicaragua were transferred as “illegal aliens” to internment camps in the United States. Initially, US and Latin American agencies arrested and deported male ethnic Japanese, regardless of their citizenship status. During the second stage, women and children joined their relatives in the United States. Most forced migration originated in Peru. Brazil and Mexico established similar displacement programs, ordering the population of Japanese descent to leave the coastal zones, and in the case of Mexico the border areas. In both countries, ethnic Japanese were under strict monitoring and lost property, employment, and family and friend relationships, losses that affected their health and the opportunity to support themselves in many cases. Latin American Japanese in the United States remained in camps operated by the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the army for the duration of the war and were among the last internees leaving the detention facilities, in 1946. At the conclusion of World War II, the Latin American countries that had agreed to the expulsion of ethnic Japanese limited greatly their return. Some 800 internees were deported to Japan from the United States by the closure of the camps. Those who remained in North America were allowed to leave the camps to work in a fresh produce farm in Seabrook, New Jersey, without residency or citizenship rights. In 1952, immigration restrictions for former Latin American internees were lifted. Latin American governments have not apologized for the uprooting of the ethnic Japanese, while the US government has recognized it as a mistake. In 1988, the United States offered a symbolic compensation to all surviving victims of the internment camps in the amount of $20,000. In contrast, in 1991, Latin American Japanese survivors were granted only $5,000.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (03) ◽  
pp. 682-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Switky

ABSTRACTThe humanitarian impulse in the United States routinely clashes with isolationist sentiment, with appeals to the national interest, and with apathy in and out of government. This class exercise encourages students to explore the contours of the debate over humanitarian intervention with a crisis unfolding in Belagua, a fictitious Latin American country. As the crisis deteriorates, students increasingly feel the tension between wanting to help the at-risk civilian population and avoiding a messy conflict from which the United States could have trouble extracting itself. The project requires students to address key questions about the US role in the Belagua case and to consider what the United States could or should have done in actual situations, such as Rwanda and Syria. Because these crises are likely to occur in the decades to come, this exercise initiates students to the challenges that the United States, as well as the international community, undoubtedly will face.


Subject The US intelligence community in a year after purported reforms. Significance On December 29, an agreement between the United States, Japan and South Korea to share intelligence on North Korea went into effect. This ended a year in which the US intelligence community was the subject of broad domestic public scrutiny in the light of continued fallout from former National Security Agency (NSA) contractor Edward Snowden's leaks to a Senate report on the CIA's use of torture. The White House's support for reforms has been watched by tech and telecoms businesses that have lost considerable revenue from reputational damage as a result of the growing awareness of requirements on them of US intelligence activities. Impacts The Obama administration will rely on the US intelligence community as its main counterterrorist instrument. A Republican Congress will be less likely to support intelligence reforms, though only marginally so. There is no indication that the balance of power on intelligence issues between the executive and legislative branches has shifted.


Urban History ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 663-685
Author(s):  
DAVID JOHNSON LEE

ABSTRACT:The reconstruction of Managua following the 1972 earthquake laid bare the contradictions of modernization theory that justified the US alliance with Latin American dictators in the name of democracy in the Cold War. Based on an idealized model of urban development, US planners developed a plan to ‘decentralize’ both the city of Managua and the power of the US-backed Somoza dictatorship. In the process, they helped augment the power of the dictator and create a city its inhabitants found intolerable. The collective rejection of the city, the dictator and his alliance with the United States, helped propel Nicaragua toward its 1979 revolution and turned the country into a Cold War battleground.


1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Freeman Smith

The policy of the United States. toward social and economic revolutions in Latin America is a subject of wide U. S. concern. The rumblings of discontent in this area, coupled with the current crisis in Cuban- American relations, have stimulated the writing of numerous articles and books. In order to grasp some understanding of the current situation, however, it is necessary to place the subject in its historical perspective. This in itself will not automatically furnish any solutions, but perhaps it will give some coherence to a complex subject which has its roots in the past development of United States foreign policy.


OASIS ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florent Frasson-Quenoz

In the midst of uncertainty –generated by the narratives of the decline of the United States– academics are looking for answers and cerebral stimulus in the heart of the academic Terra Incognita that is the “Global South”. Building on this interpretation, I formulate a simple question: Does a Latin American school of thought exist in International Relations? In order to respond to this question I will propose a model that will allow for an assessment of the existence of a Latin American school of thought in International Relations. Additionally, this model will enable me to distance myself from the air du temps; that is, to celebrate the existence of a school of thought before even being certain that it actually exists. For sure, the assessment done here will only stand as a first attempt, and is in no way exhaustive. Nonetheless, it will allow me, firstly, to demonstrate that the eagerness to promote any kind of academic proposal to the status of “school” is detrimental to the central goal of generating knowledge and, second, to stimulate others to think about the subject along the same lines.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (7) ◽  
pp. 2427-2432
Author(s):  
Hyreme Gurra ◽  
Fatmire Isaku

This research paper is revealing and comparing two political leaders’ assasination and execution. The subject of the study are; Kennedy’s assasination and Menderes’s execution both cases will be shown in details.There also will be mentioned some key outcomes which happened during their presidency, why and how these events occured and the maner these leaders dealed withw the surrounding circumsatnces. Kennedy became the second youngest President of the United States, that was assasinated ater Abraham Lincoln. There were many occurences which would come for him during his rule.He was pressured to approve Eisenhower’s intervene plan to take down Fidel Castro in Cuba. Later it turned a failure for him to manage. In the Missile Crises Kennedy bacame the edge of the war against the USSR. Adnan Menderes was chosen as Prime Minister in the first free election in Turkey. But during his rule He did several things which could not be accredited by people. The discontentment of people was manifested with protests at the universities, martyrs in Korean War,the events of September 6-7 took Turkey in a chaotical environment. The inference of this this chaos lead him to death. His destiny defining an execution was the worst scenario and portrayed severe images for a Prime Minister that ruled a country. The research methods that are used in this paper are comparative and historical.


2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 33-59
Author(s):  
Marian Mencel

As a consequence of the intensification of nuclear tests and long-range mis-siles, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has become the subject of debates and pressure from the international environment, which is mani-fested by the increasingly stringent sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council, complemented by diplomatic pressures and intensified political influence on Pyongyang by the United States and China. As a result of their application, the relations between the two Korean states were warmed up, and the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, proposed to implement the process of denuclearization of North Korea and a direct meeting with the US President, Donald Trump. Why was there an unprecedented meeting and what are the consequences? How was the meeting perceived by the American regional allies? What is the position of China in connection with the events? What are the prospects for progress in contacts between North Korea and the United States, South Korea, China and Japan? Is it possible to fully denuclearise the Korean Peninsula? An attempt to answer these ques-tions has been made in this article.


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