scholarly journals Impeachment of Oklahoma Governors

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 648-652
Author(s):  
Cortez A. M. Ewing
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Armed Force ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
Tulsa County

In Oklahoma, impeachment is of the soil racy. In the twenty-three years of statehood, thirteen impeachment messages have been received in the Senate from the House. Governor Williams (1914-18) has been the only one of six elected governors against whom House investigations were not ordered, and he may have been spared by the unusual House rule which declared any members guilty of perjury who swore to charges that were not substantiated in an investigation.Backed by the farmer-labor group, John C. Walton was elected governor in 1922 in a campaign marked by bitterness and party bolting. Before he was inaugurated, rumor had it that he would be impeached. Opposition to him sprang from three main sources—disappointed office-seekers, the klan, and the school bloc. However, it was the klan that finally dragged him down. To prevent klan outrages and to punish their perpetrators, Walton attempted to employ the military forces of the state. Martial law was declared in the city of Tulsa on August 13, 1923. It was soon extended to the whole of Tulsa county, to Okmulgee county, and finally on September 1 to the whole state. Adding to the confusion, the legislature tried to convene itself in extraordinary session, under the excuse that the governor's action had made such a step necessary and essential to the welfare of the state. Walton countered by branding the legislators as klansmen and a meeting of the legislature as an unlawful klan assembly. An attempted convening was frustrated by armed force on September 16.

scholarly journals Wywiad wojskowy czy polityczny? Zainteresowanie Zarządu II Sztabu Generalnego Wojska Polskiego „kierunkiem watykańskim”

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-119
Author(s):  
Bartosz Kapuściak
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
The State ◽  
Primary Task ◽  
Military Intelligence ◽  
General Staff ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

The primary task of the military intelligence in the People’s Republic of Poland was to acquire materials on the armament and stationing of NATO troops. However, due to the demand of the communist authorities, it also conducted political activities aimed at, among others, the Catholic Church. The interest of the state authorities increased especially during the pontificate of John Paul II. According to the assessment of military intelligence, the election of Karol Wojtyła as Bishop of Rome stimulated the Catholic Church both in Poland and in the Vatican. In this way, the activities of the Second Directorate of the General Staff of the Polish Army were within the scope of civil intelligence interests. The article aims to show the role played by intelligence officers and informers operating in Rome undercover as military attachés or in civilian institutions. Their actions resulted in the establishment of contacts with the church environment and acquisition of voluntary and involuntary informants. In this way, the Second Directorate of the General Staff of the Polish Army provided the party and political apparatus with interesting news and materials. Following the introduction of martial law in Poland, the church from the Rome area started sending parcels of food, clothes and medicines to Poland. This aid for the country was used to establish contact with the Polish clergy thanks to the initiative of Colonel Franciszek Mazurek.

‘Looting and overtures and acts of indecency by Black and Tans’: the pursuit of justice for acts of sexual violence during Ireland’s War of Independence (1919-21)

2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-105
Author(s):  
GERRI O’NEILL
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Formal Complaint ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Town ◽  
Violent Assault

In April 1921, while Waterford was under martial law, Brigid Fahy, a native of Dungarvan, and her maid Bridget O’Neill, became victims of a violent assault in their home during curfew hours. The alleged perpetrators were two ‘Black and Tans’ attached to the RIC barracks in the town. They subsequently returned to the residence and burned it as a reprisal for the formal complaint made by Fahy about their behaviour. This article explores how the police, the military and the state responded to Fahy’s public pursuit of justice. Drawing on the correspondence between Dublin Castle and senior military officers, as well as Fahy’s sworn statement, it highlights the tensions that existed between the civil and military authorities in Ireland during this period. Central to the narrative is chief secretary Sir Hamar Greenwood, who—despite his elevated position within the Irish administration—could not persuade General Strickland’s 6th Division to communicate any information on the case, leaving Greenwood in an almost untenable position when confronted with questions on the matter in the House of Commons. Fahy’s case not only highlights the breakdown in communications that existed between Dublin Castle and the military, but demonstrates the breakdown of trust between the citizens of Dungarvan and the RIC. It argues that crimes of this nature may have been under-reported, as women had no incentive to report the crimes of the RIC and every reason to refrain from doing so.

scholarly journals O PARADOXO SOBRE AS POLÍTICAS DE METAS DA SEGURANÇA PÚBLICA NO ESTADO DO PARANÁ (2011-2013): O CASO DAS UPS'S EM CURITIBA

Revista LEVS ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Luís OLIVEIRA
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Control Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Murder Rate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Result Analysis ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

Resumo: Procura-se discutir neste artigo as estratégias e as contradições na Segurança Pública do Estado do Paraná na política de controle de Homicídios que redundou na criação das UPS’s – Unidades Paraná Seguro no município de Curitiba. A ênfase em modelos puramente repressivos serviu como guia em áreas degradadas da cidade marcadas pela anomia e pelas fragilidades das políticas sociais. A discussão principal está na análise dos resultados ao evidenciar um incremento dos homicídios em razão da constituição destas unidades criadas pela Polícia Militar do Estado do Paraná, com pouco ou nenhum relacionamento com outras esferas da administração pública ou mesmo com a Polícia Civil e com efeitos observáveis sobre desorganização do espaço social. Palavras-chave: homicídios, segurança pública, UPS - Unidade Paraná Seguro. Abstract: This article seeks to discuss the strategies and the contradictions of the Public Security of the State of Paraná with respect to the murder-control policy which resulted in the creation of UPS’s – Safe-Paraná Police Units in the city of Curitiba.  Emphasis on purely repressive models played a leading role in the run-down areas of the city where anomy and insufficient social policies were notorious. The main issue is related to the result analysis which showed an increase in the murder rate derived from the creation of those units under control of the Military Police of the State of Paraná with little or no relationship with other Public-Administration areas or even with the Civil Police of the State of Paraná. Key Words: murders; Public Safety; UPS – Safe Paraná Unit

scholarly journals Philosophical concept of the state power (social power) and the military (the armed force)

Vojno delo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Ilija Kajtez
Keyword(s):  
Social Power ◽  
State Power ◽  
Main Idea ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Armed Force ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

In the paper the author would like to explain why the concept of the social power is relevant for the state power, and why it is more appropriate for the military to talk about the armed force. Although he is acutely aware of the intertwining, reciprocity and closeness of the state power and the organization of the military, as well as the concepts of power and force, the author would like to emphasize their differences. It is not possible to talk about the power without the help and reliance on the armed force, and there is no armed force that does not view its meaning, task and goal in the state power. The military power can be independent only in short periods, but it immediately returns to the state power or the very military establishes the state power because it needs a source of legitimacy. What is the first and main rule is that we cannot talk anywhere about true power unless the one in power controls the armed force in his community, tribe, family, class, politics, state and society. It is simply impossible to imagine, let alone really happen, that the one who rules a community or society is not the supreme commander of the armed forces, as well. The main idea is to consider what are the inviolable spheres of the society in which politics should dominate, and where the best field of action of the armed forces is and how and in what way their relations, which are close, but often tense, are regulated.

German Pogroms in Moscow in Summer 1915: Materials from the Central State Archive of Moscow

2018 ◽  
pp. 536-549
Author(s):  
Yury V. Aksyutin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Military History ◽  
The State ◽  
State Agencies ◽  
State Archive ◽  
Central State ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

The article analyses documents from the Central State Archive of Moscow (TsGAMo) that concern the events of the summer of 1915 when, with police inaction, if not sufferance, the patriotic demonstrations erupted into riotous disturbances and pogroms of the premises of German and Austro-Hungarian citizens and even of Russian ones bearing German names. There were fatalities. The author notes fragmentarity of data that should have been preserved in Moscow state agencies, such as offices of the Mayor, the city police, and the State Duma. He ventures a guess on who and when had the documents concealed or destroyed. Countermeasures against mob outrages and ways of reinstalling orderliness of social life in Moscow were discussed in the State Duma. Several deputies gave speeches and there was a decision ‘to concede the need for immediate investigation.’ The minutes only lists the names of speakers, when there should have been verbatim records. On the meeting on June 2, 1915, the Mayor reported that 476 industrial and commercial premises and 217 lodgings had suffered pogroms. 113 German and Austro-Hungarian citizens had been injured, as well as 485 Russian citizens bearing foreign names and even 90 bearing unexceptionable Russian names. That is all data on the anti-German disturbances in Moscow on May 27-29, 1915 (which was an event of great importance), that have been preserved in the Central State Archive of Moscow. Probably, some information may be obtained in the Russian State Military History Archive (fonds of the Moscow military district staff and its court martials and those of the military censorship). The major array of sources should have been deposited in the papers of the Senate commission headed by N. S. Krasheninnikov. It was created on June 8, 1915 in order to investigate causes and initiators of the pogroms. The investigation resulted in discharge of High Commissioner Yusupov and in committal of City Governor Adrianov and Polizeimeister Sevenard for trial.

Review of A. B. Nikolaev, Revoliutsiia i vlast’: How Has Nikolaev Changed the Interpretation of the February Revolution?

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The West ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Units ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
The Revolution

A.B. Nikolaev’s book has not received much attention either in the West or in Russia, but it is an important book that has significantly changed our understanding the February Revolution of 1917. Nikolaev’s meticulously researched monograph, based on a wide array of new sources, challenges the previously dominant interpretation that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (Duma Committee) was forced to seize power only to stem the tide of the insurgency from below. He argues that the Duma Committee was from its inception clear about its intention to overthrow the old regime and to create a new power to replace it even before the Petrograd Soviet was formed. The Duma Committee played a crucial role in prompting military units to take the side of the revolution, in steering the insurgents to the State Duma, in creating the Military Commission to organize insurgents to occupy strategic positions in the city, in taking over the food supply commission to feed the insurgents, in attacking and destroying the tsarist police, while preventing and suppressing potentially dangerous anarchical pogroms, and in taking control over the imperial bureaucracy. Nikolaev also raises an interesting question about the relationship between the Duma Committee, the State Duma and the Provisional Government by arguing that the Provisional Government made a hasty and cardinal mistake in cutting its relationship with the State Duma. This book is a landmark in the interpretation of the February Revolution, and especially of the role of the Duma liberals in the revolution.

Retrieving the Dignity of a Cosmopolitan City: Contested Perspectives on Rights, Culture and Ethnicity in Mardin

2007 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zerrin Özlem Biner
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
World Heritage Site ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Conflict Processes ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Heritage Site ◽  
Communal Relationships ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

AbstractThis article aims to contribute to the understanding of post-conflict processes in Turkey by focusing on the discourses and practices following the city of Mardin's bid to become a World Heritage Site. It intends to show how cosmopolitanism becomes a contested and dominant discourse for the locals of the city (Kurds, Arabs, and Syriac Christians) to re-articulate the history of the inter-communal relationships and to create a negotiating ground with the state, in order to recover from the moral and economic injuries of the military conflict during the 1990s. In doing so, the article discusses the effects of the accumulated events of past and present on the production of different forms of power relations between the state and its subject-citizens in the post-conflict context of Mardin, Southeastern Turkey.

scholarly journals Martial Law as a Legal Phenomenon of the Great Patriotic War

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Sergei Gennadievich ◽  
Aleksey Deryugin
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Objective Assessment ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
The Military

The article attempts to give an objective assessment of the state wartime policy aimed at regulating public relations during the Great Patriotic War, to qualify the activities of the military authorities, the USSR NKVD troops and bodies as subjects of legal relations developed in the sphere of functioning of the legal regime of that time. The relevance of the research of the mentioned problems is conditioned by the urgent need to strengthen the confrontation with the ongoing attempts to rewrite the history and neutralize the significance of the USSR’s victory over Nazi Germany. From the standpoint of the principle of historicism, the article reveals the legal structure of the martial law regime as a wartime integral legal phenomenon. The specific historical reasons for the establishment of an emergency legal regime in the frontline zone, its content as a kind of martial law regime, the specificity of the troops and bodies activities of the USSR NKVD to ensure the legal regime of the frontline zone are also shown. Based on archival and other historical sources, the article substantiates the conclusion that the scope of powers of the military authorities, troops and law enforcement agencies directly depended on the severity degree of the legal regime, which, in its turn, determined the restriction degree of the rights and freedoms of the population living in the areas of the emergency legal provisions action. Recommendations for the application of emergency legal mechanisms aimed at ensuring state and public security, taking into account the interests of the state and society, are formulated in the conclusion.

Alhambra

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fairchild D. Ruggles
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Southern Spain ◽  
Unesco World Heritage ◽  
Charles V ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City ◽  
Great Wall

The Alhambra (from al-hamra, meaning “red”) is a complex of palaces and gardens that stands on the Sabika Hill overlooking the city of Granada, in southern Spain (the last remnant of the larger Muslim-ruled territory known as al-Andalus). The original palace was built to serve as the seat of the Zirid dynasty (r. 1012–1090), on even older Roman remains, but little remains of the ancient and Zirid phases. Most of the standing architecture dates to the 13th and 14th centuries and was built under the patronage of the Nasrid dynasty (1232–1492). The patrons who made the biggest impact on the palace-city were the Nasrid sultans Muhammad III (r. 1302–1309), Ismaʾil I (r. 1314–1325), Yusuf I (r. 1333–1354) and Muhammad V (r. 1354–1359 and 1362–1391). Built in phases by them, the Alhambra consists of not one but many palaces, including the so-called Comares Palace, the Palace of the Lions, the Partal, and others of which only archaeological traces remain, all enclosed by a great wall. The Alhambra’s various structures included massive gates, formal reception halls, less formal halls for entertainment, residential rooms and towers, a congregational mosque and smaller oratories, multiple bathhouses, courtyards with central fountains and pools, an aqueduct, gardens, service buildings, and a highly fortified area for the military. Across a ravine stands the Generalife (built between 1302 and 1319), a pleasure palace for the Nasrid sultan and his family. When Granada was conquered by the Catholic Monarchs Isabel and Ferdinand in 1492, the Nasrids were sent into exile and the Alhambra and Generalife became property of the Crown. But, aside from brief visits, the Spanish rulers did not reside at the palace and made few changes to it, with the exception of the enormous palace added by Charles V in 1533. In the 19th century, as the complex attracted more visitors, the government began to restore the crumbling fabric. By 1870 the Alhambra was declared a Monumento Histórico Artístico Nacional and placed under the protection of the state. The complex became a UNESCO World Heritage monument in 1984.

Latest Philippine martial law plan creates new risks

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Philippine Island ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
Target Energy ◽  
The Military ◽  
The City

Subject Further extension to martial law in Mindanao. Significance The southern Philippine island of Mindanao on January 1 entered its third stretch of martial law administration, which will run throughout 2018. Martial law was declared in May last year after Islamist militants captured Marawi City in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The city has been recaptured by government forces, but martial law has been renewed twice on Mindanao as the military cracks down on the remaining terrorists and other groups. Impacts Manila will seek intelligence and security support from foreign partners including Tokyo, Canberra and Washington. Protesting martial law, the New People’s Army (NPA) will likely target energy and extractives projects, and push extortion and kidnapping. The Mindanao counterterrorism drive could, as before, prompt a rise in maritime-based terrorism and crime.

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