scholarly journals Philosophical concept of the state power (social power) and the military (the armed force)

Vojno delo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Ilija Kajtez

In the paper the author would like to explain why the concept of the social power is relevant for the state power, and why it is more appropriate for the military to talk about the armed force. Although he is acutely aware of the intertwining, reciprocity and closeness of the state power and the organization of the military, as well as the concepts of power and force, the author would like to emphasize their differences. It is not possible to talk about the power without the help and reliance on the armed force, and there is no armed force that does not view its meaning, task and goal in the state power. The military power can be independent only in short periods, but it immediately returns to the state power or the very military establishes the state power because it needs a source of legitimacy. What is the first and main rule is that we cannot talk anywhere about true power unless the one in power controls the armed force in his community, tribe, family, class, politics, state and society. It is simply impossible to imagine, let alone really happen, that the one who rules a community or society is not the supreme commander of the armed forces, as well. The main idea is to consider what are the inviolable spheres of the society in which politics should dominate, and where the best field of action of the armed forces is and how and in what way their relations, which are close, but often tense, are regulated.

In the same way that it is possible to understand warfare as organized violence with political ends, it is also useful to think of it as a particular condition of a society: a set of radically transforming experiences of individuals and communities; an unpredictable and chaotic process that defines identities and produces new forms of common life; and the creative space of a particular culture marked by different types of relationships between the members of a community. As can be seen from several historiographical traditions, there is a direct relationship between warfare and the process of state building: the state makes war and war makes the state. The regime established in America from the end of the 15th century to the 19th century can be explained by this relationship between institutional construction and the practice of violence. Like any empire of its time, the Spanish monarchy founded its authority, part of its legitimacy, its fiscal and administrative organization, its bureaucracy, its control systems, and its trade opportunities on the ground of warfare, and with these characteristics informed the slow and problematic processes of conquest, colonization, and subjection of the New World. Approaching Spanish America through both warfare and the military offers two major advantages: on the one hand, learning the history of its institutional, social, political, economic, and cultural development, and on the other, identifying the prolific historiography that has studied it. This bibliographical selection expresses both fields: the history of warfare in Spanish America and its changing historiography. The characteristics, pretensions, contradictions, and flaws of the Spanish institutional framework that for three centuries expanded from the Caribbean and came to dominate immense regions of North, Central, and South America until it entered into crisis and collapsed, leading to the emergence of national states, can be understood from its capacity to mobilize economic and human resources for warfare. Likewise, these very diverse armed forces involved in such processes were historical expressions of the societies that produced them. The studies in this bibliography express the historical complexity of Spanish America from the perspective of organization and experience of warfare. Although the sections are thematic, as far as possible the selection seeks to include in each case the broad spectrum of the three centuries of colonial domination; the sections referring to War Experiences do evolve with a more chronological criterion from conquests to independences and the emergence of national states.


Author(s):  
V. A. Ksenofontov

The article deals with the socio-philosophical aspects of the functioning of the military sphere of national security of the Belarusian state. With the increase of military violence in the world, the task of preserving and developing the state becomes a priority. The military sphere of national security ensures the creation of safe conditions in the military space for the life and development of a person, community and the state itself and is a factor of stable development of the social system. Taking into consideration the historical development the stabilizing effect of the armed forces on the state and society has been described. With the training of the form of prospective war, the tasks of the military organization of the state, the core of which are the armed forces are clearly defined in our country. The positive influence of the armed forces on the development of society is shown. The basis for achieving security goals is military activity, which is a synthetic phenomenon and takes place in all spheres of community life. It is emphasized that the implementation of the military security subsystem task is the living conditions of the entire social system. External attention is drawn to the formulation of the goals of military policy as an essential factor in maintaining socio-political stability. The primary task of the military sphere of the national security of Belarus is to ensure comprehensive and encouraging efficiency at all levels of the social system. The article demonstrates the need to analyze the technologies of warfare, improve analytical and experimental support for the development of the military sphere, which can withstand the challenges and threaten the XXI century. It is concluded that the military sphere of national security and its armed forces is an important factor not only in the strategic deterrence of aggression, but also in the socio-economic development of the community, increasing its vitality and stability.


Author(s):  
Sergey A. Denisov ◽  

This article considers the incorporation of Prussians, Sudovians, and Scalovians who migrated to territories which were not theirs originally, into the social system of the State of the Teutonic Order between the 1280s and 1370s. The author examines the main aspects of this issue, i.e. property status and duties of migrants, with reference to data from 41 acts granted to them by the Order and the church, and the Chronicles written by Peter of Dusburg and Caspar Shuetz. The study of these data with the help of the prosopographical and historical and comparative methods makes it possible to determine the main directions of migration, number of migrants, size, and composition of their property and duties performed in relation to the Order and the church. The main regions for migration were Sambia and Pomesania, receiving 5 144 out of 5 166 persons. The choice of the regions was caused by the lack of local farmers that was the result of the devastation committed during the struggle of Prussians, Scalovians, and Sudovians with the expansion of the Order between 1260s and 1280s. Another reason was the remoteness of Sambia and Pomesania from the migrants’ native lands and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. On the one hand, it prevented possible union between the settlers and the Lithuanian rulers and, on the other hand, fostered communication between the migrants and the Order which guaranteed the former status in the new community. The incorporation of Prussians, Scalovians, and Sudovians was carried out by granting them fief or locator’s office and implied the definition of their rights and duties similar to those enjoyed by the local inhabitants. The migrants served in the military, paid taxes, had jurisdiction over their peasants, added unclaimed lands to their property, received permission to fish in the nearby waters, etc. These features testify to the successful incorporation of migrants into the new social system that contributed to a further development of the State of the Teutonic Order.


Author(s):  
Yuriy Krychun

The article is devoted to the study of the concept of war crime and analysis of its forensic characteristics. The study analyzed the concepts of crime, war crime and the probable reasons for their commission. It is determined that military service is an extremely important type of activity, as it is designed to ensure state security and protection of the state border of Ukraine. The main military formation in Ukraine is the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the procedure of which is determined by the relevant legislation, according to which the Armed Forces is an independent state and legal institution, a reflection of modern Ukrainian society, but with its specific demographic, organizational, social, psychological and legal features. It is established that any crime is a negative social phenomenon that poses a threat to both society and the state. The social danger of each crime is manifested in the task or the creation of the danger of causing significant harm to public relations: the interests of the individual, society, state, which are protected by criminal law. But in war crimes behind these relations are the interests of a higher order – the military security of the state: the state of combat capability of the Armed Forces, other military formations, the ability to perform tasks set by the state, and ultimately protect the country from possible military aggression. Any crime against military service undermines the combat capability of military units, as a consequence, causes significant damage to the combat capability of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and, ultimately, to the military security of the state. Thus, the social danger of war crimes finds its expression in the task or in the creation of a threat of significant damage to the interests of military security of the state in the field of its defense and, therefore, is characterized by an increased degree of public danger. For Ukraine, in terms of the Operation joint forces, war crimes are extremely negative, as these are the factors that undermine combat readiness, military discipline and legal consciousness of the servicemen, creates the conditions for the loss of military personnel, military property, and therefore requires the authorities to use all necessary resources to fight and prevent the Commission of war crimes. Thus, the data on the person that has committed war crimes, as an element of criminalistic characteristics are of fundamental importance because they are a solid information base, which later during the establishment of corresponding co-dependent relationships will determine the other unknown elements of criminalistic characteristics.


Author(s):  
V. Nazarkin ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
A. Efimenko ◽  
V. Ivanov

The task of choosing the rational number of power structures is always one of the main priorities of any political leadership of the state. An insufficient number of armed forces is a threat to the national security of the state; an excess number creates pressures on the development of the country's national economy. Today, when the development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are being formed in the context of the practical application of their units and subunits to carry out combat missions, questions of choosing a priority approach to the formation (justification) of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is an urgent issue. The article proposes a structure for conducting research on the development and implementation of the methodology of military-economic substantiation of the rational strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the system of defense planning of Ukraine in the formation of programs for their development for the medium and long term. The main objectives of this methodology are: scientific substantiation of the range of the necessary strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine for the period of the program of their development; the choice of the indicator of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine according to the years of the program from a certain range of its changes; military-economic substantiation of this number under the influence of various limiting factors. The development and implementation of such a methodology will increase the efficiency of the formation and implementation of development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as well as the efficiency of using public funds for the development of power structures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-119
Author(s):  
Yu.Yu. IERUSALIMSKY ◽  
◽  
A.B. RUDAKOV ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of such an important aspect of the activities of the World Russian People's Council (until 1995 it was called the World Russian Council) in the 90-s of the 20-th century as a discussion of national security issues and nuclear disarmament. At that time, a number of political and public figures actively called for the nuclear disarmament of Russia. Founded in 1993, the World Russian Council called for the Russian Federation to maintain a reasonable balance between reducing the arms race and fighting for the resumption of detente in international relations, on the one hand, and maintaining a powerful nuclear component of the armed forces of the country, on the other. The resolutions of the World Russian Council and the World Russian People's Council on the problems of the new concepts formation of foreign policy and national security of Russia in the context of NATO's eastward movement are analyzed in the article. It also shows the relationship between the provisions of the WRNS on security and nuclear weapons issues with Chapter VIII of the «Fundamentals of the Social Concept of the Russian Orthodox Church».


Author(s):  
Marco Jowell

The army has been a central part of Rwanda’s political system from the precolonial period until the early 21st century and is intrinsically part of the construction and politics of the state. Civil–military relations in Rwanda demonstrate not only the central features of transitioning a rebel group to a national defense sector but also how some states construct their armed forces after a period of mass violence. Since the civil war and genocide in the early 1990s, the Rwandan military has been the primary actor in politics, the economy, and state building as well as in regional wars in central Africa and the Great Lakes region. Practical experiences of guerrilla insurgency and conflict in Uganda and Rwanda, postconflict military integration, and the intertwining of political and economic agendas with the ruling party have shaped civil–military relations in Rwanda and have been central to how the Rwandan defense sector functions. Contemporary Rwandan civil–military relations center around the two elements of service delivery and control, which has resulted in the development of an effective and technocratic military in terms of remit and responsibilities on the one hand, and the creation of a politicized force of coercion on the other hand. The military in Rwanda therefore reflects the pressures and dynamics of the wider state and cannot be separated from it. The Rwandan army is thus a “political army” and is part and parcel of the political structures that oversee and govern the Rwandan state.


Philosophy ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 58 (224) ◽  
pp. 215-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. L. Clark

Philosophers of earlier ages have usually spent time in considering thenature of marital, and in general familial, duty. Paley devotes an entire book to those ‘relative duties which result from the constitution of the sexes’,1 a book notable on the one hand for its humanity and on the other for Paley‘s strange refusal to acknowledge that the evils for which he condemns any breach of pure monogamy are in large part the result of the fact that such breaches are generally condemned. In a society where an unmarried mother is ruined no decent male should put a woman in such danger: but why precisely should social feeling be so severe? Marriage, the monogamist would say, must be defended at all costs, for it is a centrally important institution of our society. Political community was, in the past, understood as emerging from or imposed upon families, or similar associations. The struggle to establish the state was a struggle against families, clans and clubs; the state, once established, rested upon the social institutions to which it gave legal backing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 255 ◽  
pp. 01032
Author(s):  
Denys Lisovenko ◽  
Nadiia Burdeina ◽  
Oleksandr Fedchenko ◽  
Stanislav Nikul ◽  
Viacheslav Holovan

The study is devoted to the problem of financial regulation of the defense industry and the provision of troops, as the escalation of the military conflict in eastern Ukraine has revealed shortcomings in this area. A comparative analysis of NATO and Ukraine’s defense spending was conducted and differences in the cost structure were identified. The tendency of Ukraine’s defense spending to gradually approach the structure of NATO defense spending is pointed out, but the insufficient level of this approach is also taken into account. The analysis allowed to identify problematic issues and inconsistencies in the financial regulation of the defense industry. The state of export of defense equipment and technologies as a possible source of financing of defense enterprises is analyzed. The existence of two opposite trends in the financial regulation of military logistics has been identified: both an increase in funding in absolute terms and a reduction in the share of the total amount for the implementation of the unified logistics system of the State Armed Forces Development Program. The developed mathematical model of supply of military units is suitable for use in information systems of logistical support of troops.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019, 21/4 (Volume 2019/issue 21/4) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
MARJAN HORVAT

The main theme of the paper is the Concept of Military Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces, which currently represents the highest substantive and guiding normative act in the field of military leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces (hereinafter referred to as the SAF). Due to the enormous importance of this field in working with people and the aim of influencing the change of the concept, the paper analysed and compared the concepts of military leadership in other selected armed forces and looked for similarities and divergences, especially in two segments - substantive and normative. On the one hand, we have shown the substantive obsolescence and inadequate normative rank of the Concept of Military Leadership in the Slovenian Armed Forces and, on the other hand, the necessity of substantive updating with concrete proposals and arguments for the development of the Doctrine of Military Leadership in the SAF. Key words Leadership, armed forces, Concept of Military Leadership in the SAF


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