Governmental Censorship in War-Time

1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 837-849 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byron Price

To a free people, the very word “censorship” always has been distasteful. In its theory, it runs counter to all democratic principles; in practice, it can never be made popular, can never please anyone.Everything the censor does is contrary to all that we have been taught to believe is right and proper. The Post Office Department, for example, has two proud mottoes: “The mail must go through,” and “The privacy of the mail must be protected at all hazards.” But censorship stops the mail, it invades the privacy of the mail, it disposes of the mail as may seem best. The same thing holds true in the publishing business. Censorship limits the lively competition and free enterprise of reporters. It relegates many a scoop to the waste basket. It wields a blue pencil—both theoretical and actual—on news stories, magazine articles, advertisements, and photographs. Censorship also enters the radio industry, where it may edit scripts and in some cases stop entire programs.Yet even the most vociferous critics of the principle of censorship agree that in war-time some form and amount of censorship is a necessity. It then becomes not merely a curtailment of individual liberty, but a matter of national security. It is one of the many restrictions that must be imposed on people fighting for the right to throw off those restrictions when peace returns.

2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Malik Mufti

This articles argues (a) that democratic discourse has already become hegemonic among mainstream Islamist movements in Turkey and the Arab world; (b) that while this development originated in tactical calculations, it constitutes a consequential transformation in Islamist political thought; and (c) that this transformation, in turn, raises critical questions about the interaction of religion and democracy with which contemporary Islamists have not yet grappled adequately but which were anticipated by medieval philosophers such as al-Farabi and Ibn Rushd. The argument is laid out through an analysis (based on textual sources and interviews) of key decisions on electoral participation made by Turkey’s AK Party and the Muslim Brotherhoods in Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. Particular attention is focused on these movements’ gradual embrace of three key democratic principles: pluralism, the people as the source of political authority, and the legitimacy of such procedural mechanisms as multiple parties and regular elections.


Author(s):  
Anna Elisabetta Galeotti ◽  
Federica Liveriero

AbstractTraditionally, an adequate strategy to deal with the tension between liberty and security has been toleration, for the latter allows the maximization of individual liberty without endangering security, since it embraces the limits set by the harm principle and the principle of self-defense of the liberal order. The area outside the boundary clearly requires repressive measures to protect the security and the rights of all. In this paper, we focus on the balance of liberty and security afforded by toleration, analyzing how this strategy works in highly conflictual contexts and sorting out the different sets of reason that might motivate individual to assume a tolerant attitude. We contend that toleration represents a reliable political solution to conflicts potentially threatening social security when it is coupled with social tolerance. Hence, we examine the reasons the agents may have for endorsing toleration despite disagreement and disapproval. In the range of these reasons, we argue that the right reasons are those preserving the moral and epistemic integrity of the agent. The right reasons are however not accessible to everyone, as for example is the case with (non-violent) religious fundamentalists. Only prudential reasons for toleration seem to be available to them. And yet, we argue that an open and inclusive democracy should in principle be hospitable towards prudential and pragmatic reasons as well, which may potentially lay the grounds for future cooperation. We conclude therefore that the tolerant society has room for the fundamentalists, granted that they do not resort to violence.


1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Morey ◽  
David A. Dittman

The “go/no-go” decision for a candidate property, i.e., whether or not to actually acquire the site, choose the brand (flag), build and operate the hotel, requires the explicit consideration of the interconnectedness of the many myriad elements affecting the property's potential profits. The many facility design decisions (number and mix of rooms, capacity for F&B operations etc.) as well as other strategic choices (e.g., size of marketing program, level of service aimed for) must recognize the site's competitive features and interactions with the above. Also, the particular design and operational features for a given property will affect its different revenue streams, fixed and variable costs, efficiency and profits. The authors consider developers contemplating acquiring a given site, choosing a brand, building and operating a new hotel. They offer a normative approach for this type of decision which arrives endogenously at possibly attractive options for the brand, design and strategic choices for the site. The final decision as to which option to actually use, if any, should be based on subjecting the above identified scenarios, as well as others, to traditional feasibility analyses where judgment and expert opinion are applied. The authors' implementable approach integrates a “best practices” benchmarking methodology with regression analysis to yield a mathematical programming optimization model. A key advantage of this approach lies in its contrast to conventional approaches for site selection which often ignore the more detailed design and strategic choices. The approach deals explicitly with the complex interfaces between marketing and operations management as the endogenous site and competitive environmental factors interact with the endogenous brand and facility design choices. By identifying attractive options to be further explored (that might otherwise be overlooked), several types of errors are avoided: i) an incorrect “go/no go” decision could be recommended for the site in question; ii) even if the right decision to proceed is made, the forecasted level of annualized profits could be in error, leading to an incorrect priority for the activity; iii) the incorrect brand and facility design choices could be made for the site. Other key advantages of the suggested approach are that 1) various substitution possibilities (between more or less capital, labor, materials etc.) are considered; 2) not only is the best brand and configuration identified, but also a ranking of other brands is available if the “best” brand is not available; 3) the “best practices” at other specific sites (which serve as the basis for the recommendations) are identified, thereby enabling management (possibly through site visits) to isolate the actual cultures, processes and procedures to be transported and emulated at the candidate site. This paper illustrates the approach for two different sites.


Fascism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Griffin

In the entry on ‘Fascism’ published in 1932 in the Enciclopedia Italiana, Benito Mussolini made a prediction. There were, he claimed, good reasons to think that the twentieth century would be a century of ‘authority’, the ‘right’: a fascist century (un secolo fascista). However, after 1945 the many attempts by fascists to perpetuate the dreams of the 1930s have come to naught. Whatever impact they have had at a local level, and however profound the delusion that fascists form a world-wide community of like-minded ultranationalists and racists revolutionaries on the brink of ‘breaking through’, as a factor in the shaping of the modern world, their fascism is clearly a spent force. But history is a kaleidoscope of perspectives that dynamically shift as major new developments force us to rewrite the narrative we impose on it. What if we take Mussolini’s secolo to mean not the twentieth century, but the ‘hundred years since the foundation of Fascism’? Then the story we are telling ourselves changes radically.


Author(s):  
Kent Roach

This chapter examines the distinct operational and ethical challenges that prosecutors face in national security and especially terrorism cases. The second part of this chapter focuses on the operational challenges that prosecutors face. These include demands for specialization that may be difficult to fulfill given the relative rarity of national security prosecutions; the availability of special investigative powers not normally available in other criminal cases; exceptionally broad and complex offenses; and the demands of federalism and international cooperation. The third part examines ethical and normative challenges that run throughout the many operational aspects of the prosecutorial role in national security cases. These include the challenges of ensuring that often exceptional national security laws are enforced in a manner consistent with the rule of law and human rights. There are also challenges of maintaining an appropriate balance between legitimate claims of secrecy and legitimate demands for disclosure and between maintaining prosecutorial independence and discretion while recognizing the whole of government and whole of society effects of the many difficult decisions that prosecutors must make in national security cases.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-170
Author(s):  
John Narayan Parajuli

The COVID-19 pandemic has underscored the importance of priortising health and other social and environmental issues and treating them as national security concerns. Taking a small state policy capacity approach-a small state’s ability to make informed policy decisions, this article looks at the nascent efforts being made to pursue regional cooperation in dealing with non-conventional threats in South Asia; and both implications and opportunities for Nepal to diversify its diplomatic engagement with a view to bridging its own domestic capacity gap-heightened by the pandemic. This analytical article argues that this is the right time for Nepal to reframe the issue of health and other emergencies, recalibrate the roles of its domestic institutions and diversify its diplomacy with the regional players and pivotal middle powers for building domestic capacity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (03) ◽  
pp. 263-266
Author(s):  
Lucas Meguins ◽  
Linoel Valsechi ◽  
Ronaldo Fernandes ◽  
Dionei Morais ◽  
Antonio Spotti

Introduction Pericallosal artery (PA) aneurysms represent 2 to 9% of all intracranial aneurysms, and their management remains difficult. Objective The aim of the present study is to describe the case of an adult woman with subarachnoid hemorrhage and bilateral PA aneurysm in mirror position. Case Report A 46-year-old woman was referred to our institution 20 days after a sudden severe headache. She informed that she was treating her arterial hypertension irregularly, and consumed ∼ 20 cigarettes/day. The patient was neurologically intact at admission. A non-contrast computed tomography (CT) on the first day of the onset of the symptoms revealed hydrocephaly and subarachnoid hemorrhage (Fisher III). An angio-CT/digital subtraction arteriography showed bilateral PA aneurysms in mirror position. The patient was successfully treated with surgery via the right interhemispheric approach (because the surgeon is right-handed); the surgeon performed the proximal control with temporary clipping, and introduced an external ventricular drain at the end of the surgery. The patient was discharged on the fourth postoperative day without any additional neurological deficits or ventricular shunts. Conclusion Ruptured PA aneurysm is a surgically challenging aneurysm due to the many anatomical nuances and risk of rebleeding. However, the operative management of ruptured bilateral PA aneurysms is feasible and effective.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
François Canone ◽  
Jean Claude Guyot

For the 1978 legislative elections, all French political parties have, for the first time, a relatively detailed health policy. The right-wing parties of the present government concentrate on the reduction of medical expenditure and the maintenance of the free enterprise tradition of French medicine. The left-wing parties concentrate more on the development of public health institutions and suggest nationalization of the pharmaceutical industry. Within the Left, there is, however, a difference of emphasis: the Socialists propose the setting up of medicosocial centers and abolition of the fee-for-service system; the Communists concentrate rather on industrial health and believe that an improved health service can only come from changes in overall social economic policy. None of these policies is particularly adventurous but their mere existence shows that health is now a major political preoccupation in France. Some of these policies are mainly concerned with individual and public welfare and others with the necessity of maintaining a certain social order. The debate surrounding health policy usually turns around these two issues.


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