The White Primary: 1944–1948

1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 500-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Douglas Weeks
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The United States ◽  
Present Moment ◽  
The South ◽  
Circuit Court ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Or Practice ◽  
Primary Rule

The closing chapter in the history of the white primary in the South has seemed since 1944 to be in process of being written. In that year, the United States Supreme Court, by invalidating in Smith v. Allwright the white primary rule of the Texas state Democratic convention, dealt a stunning, if not immediately mortal, blow to this most significant political custom or practice of the Southern states. The refusal of this court on April 19, 1948, to review a federal circuit court decision invalidating the white primary arrangements of South Carolina, created in 1944 to circumvent the effect of the Allwright decision, seems to have administered the judicial coup de grâce. It would, however, be unsafe to predict when “finis” may be set down for all states, political areas, counties, and voting precincts where by one means or another the Negro has long been barred from participation in the all-important primaries of the Democratic party. The remaining suffrage requirements, registration restrictions, and election provisions, and the political and administrative methods of applying them which still are employed in some Southern states and in parts of others in order to render it difficult for Negroes to vote will not be immediately eliminated. Moreover, the effects of political action have not been fully tested by the Democratic leaders of the South. At the present moment, plans for united efforts on their part are under consideration; and these could have far-reaching results before the end of the current presidential election year. Whatever the abstract justice of the situation, traditional attitudes and customs cannot be uprooted easily and have a way of resisting judicial or legislative fiat, particularly when it is honestly felt by many that such fiat has been imposed from the outside and by people unaware of the difficulties and adjustments involved.

George Trenholm Sees the Future

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Charles D. Ross
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
South Carolina ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Confederate States Of America ◽  
The South ◽  
Southern States ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact

This chapter tells the story of George Trenholm, one of the savviest businessmen in the United States and probably the richest man in the South when the Civil War began. It describes Trenholm's international powerhouse firm that was highly respected by the powerful in New York and Europe. The chapter then turns to review the impact of Abraham Lincoln's election as president on the slaveholding Southern states and the more industrial Northern states. Three days later George Trenholm introduced a measure in the South Carolina General Assembly denouncing the election and stating that South Carolina should preserve her sovereignty by securing supplies and weapons to arm the state. As South Carolina joined Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, and Florida in establishing the Confederate States of America, Trenholm started a trend that would be rapidly copied by others: he began to change the registry of his ships to British and obscuring the names of the true owners. The chapter then introduces Captain Sam Whiting, the person who paid the courtesy of dipping his US flag to the Union defenders of the fort. It investigates how both the Union and Confederate governments scrambled to put people in the right places to win the war.

scholarly journals Religion and Political Socialization in Context: A Regional Comparison of the Political Attitudes of American Jews

2004 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 99-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth D. Wald ◽  
Ted G. Jelen
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Socialization ◽  
American Jews ◽  
The South ◽  
Regional Comparison ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Political Orientations

The partisanship and ideological self-identification of Southern Jews in the United States are compared with those of Jews living outside the South. While there are few differences in the marginal distributions of these variables between the regions when the South is considered as a whole, we find that Jews living in Southern states other than Florida are more likely to consider themselves conservatives, while Jews living in Florida are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party. Further, political orientations are more differentiated among Jews outside the South. The implications of these findings for more general models of religious socialization are discussed.

Abstract 388: Quality Improvement in the Outpatient Setting: Observations from the PINNACLE Registry® 2009 Q4-2013 Q1

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Kehoe ◽  
Sherry Shultz ◽  
Fran Fiocchi ◽  
Qiong Li ◽  
Thomas Shields ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Quality Improvement ◽  
Office Visit ◽  
The United States ◽  
Outpatient Setting ◽  
Quality Improvement Initiative ◽  
The South ◽  
Improvement Program ◽  
Heart Center ◽  
Over Time

Title: Quality Improvement in the Outpatient Setting: Observations from the PINNACLE Registry® 2009 Q4-2013 Q1 Authors: Katie Kehoe BSN, MS 1 ; Sherry Shultz RN, BSN, CIO 2 ; Fran Fiocchi MPH 1 ; Qiong Li PhD 1 ; Thomas Shields 1 ; Charlie Devlin MD FACC, FACP, FASNC 2 ; Nathan T Glusenkamp, MA 1 ; J. Brendan Mullen 1 ; Angelo Ponirakis, PhD 1 ; 1 American College of Cardiology, Washington, DC 2 South Carolina Heart Center, Columbia SC Background: The PINNACLE Registry® at the American College of Cardiology is the first outpatient practice-based quality improvement program in the United States. Begun as a pilot program in 2007, the registry systematically collects and reports on adherence to clinical guidelines in the care of patients with coronary artery disease, hypertension, atrial fibrillation and heart failure. Over time, these reports offer a unique opportunity for Quality Improvement (QI) in the outpatient setting. The current study aimed to assess the effect of QI in the outpatient setting using PINNACLE Registry data. Methods: The South Carolina Heart Center is a cardiovascular practice in Columbia, South Carolina. There are 19 providers, 5 office locations and NextGen EMR. The practice’s Quality Committee and Board meet monthly to review PINNACLE reports and identify areas for QI. This Clinical Quality Improvement Initiative began 10 years ago and consists of physicians, nurses, administrators, medical assistants, a medical record analyst and information systems staff. During this review, providers’ data was not blinded to others. QI Interventions implemented included physician and staff education, improving documentation during the office visit, addition of necessary fields to capture missing data and routine planned internal audits. Between October 1, 2009 and March 31, 2013 a total of 161,873 patient encounters were submitted to the registry. A two-tailed z test was performed to assess the significance in percentage changes between 2009 to 2013. Results: The following table showed significant percentage changes in six performance measures indicating interventions implemented by the practice demonstrate significant quality improvement over time from 2009-2013. Conclusions: Utilizing their PINNACLE Registry reports, the South Carolina Heart Center identified several areas for QI. Implementing multiple interventions, this practice was able to significantly improve their PINNACLE Reports and the quality of care provided.

Latinas/os in the Southern United States

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Perla M. Guerrero
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
American South ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Late 20Th Century ◽  
New Destinations ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
The American South ◽  
And Migration

Latinas/os were present in the American South long before the founding of the United States of America, yet knowledge about their southern communities in different places and time periods is deeply uneven. In fact, regional themes important throughout the South clarify the dynamics that shaped Latinas/os’ lives, especially race, ethnicity, and the colorline; work and labor; and migration and immigration. Ideas about racial difference, in particular, reflected specifics of place, and intersections of local, regional, and international endeavors and movements of people and resources. Accordingly, Latinas/os’ position and treatment varied across the South. They first worked in agricultural fields picking cotton, oranges, and harvesting tobacco, then in a variety of industries, especially poultry and swine processing and packing. The late 20th century saw the rapid growth of Latinas/os in southern states due to changing migration and immigration patterns that moved from traditional states of reception to new destinations in rural, suburban, and urban locales with limited histories with Latinas/os or with substantial numbers of immigrants in general.

State Law on the Nomination, Election, and Instruction of Presidential Electors

1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 523-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth C. Silva
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
State Laws ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Legal Fiction ◽  
Fair Employment

The Constitution of the United States provides that each state shall appoint, in such manner as its legislature may direct, a number of presidential electors equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to which the state is entitled in the Congress. The Supreme Court has ruled that this clause gives the state legislature exclusive power to decide the manner of choosing electors. Before 1832, several legislatures themselves selected the members of the state's electoral college, a practice followed by South Carolina until the Civil War. As every student of American government knows, in the period from 1788 to 1832, the popular selection of electors was established and real discretion on the part of electors in choosing a President and Vice President became a legal fiction. For a century, the practice has been for the electorate to choose a set of electors, who, it is understood, will legally confirm the decision already made at the polls.The automatic operation of the electoral college as a device for translating popular votes into electoral votes is now challenged, however, with the projection of the possibility of eighty “unpledged electors.” The governors of seven Southern states recently agreed that if the Democratic national convention nominates a presidential candidate advocating anti-segregation, anti-lynching, anti-poll tax, and fair employment practices legislation, they will attempt to keep the Democratic electoral votes of their states from being cast for such nominee. This possibility makes state laws regulating the nomination, election, and instruction of presidential electors of utmost interest and importance.

Southern Strategies for Handling the Black Feeble-minded: From Social Control to Profound Indifference

1991 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Noll
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Social Control ◽  
Mentally Ill ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The South ◽  
Training School ◽  
Mentally Ill Persons ◽  
Southern States ◽  
State Board

In 1927, the biennial report of the State Board of Charities and Corrections of the Commonwealth of Kentucky warned that “the feeble-minded of the colored race present a greater menace than do the white.…We do desire to point out the utter lack of any provision for colored feeble-minded.” In spite of this admonition, southern states took little notice of their black feebleminded population. Nineteen years after the Kentucky report, the South Carolina Director of Public Welfare admitted that “the care of mentally deficient and mentally ill persons in the same institution is distinctly undesirable, but…the Hospital's efforts to secure provision of a separate training school for mentally deficient negroes have to date been unsuccessful.”

scholarly journals Gaining Producer Buy-in for Food Safety and Security in the United States

2006 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis J. Osborne ◽  
Douglas C. Sanders ◽  
Donn R. Ward ◽  
James W. Rushing
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
South Carolina ◽  
Food Safety ◽  
Agricultural Practices ◽  
The United States ◽  
Management Framework ◽  
Train The Trainer ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Good Manufacturing Practices ◽  
Safety Initiative

This paper summarizes the management framework, organizing plan, and results of a multi-state, multi-institutional partnership delivering a targeted “train-the-trainer” program addressing food chain security in the southeastern U.S. The partnership provided good agricultural practices (GAPs) and good manufacturing practices (GMPs) –based training to fresh fruit and vegetable (produce) growers and packers throughout the region. Twelve southern states cooperated in this project: Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. This 2000–04 work was funded by National Food Safety Initiative grants. Although proposed long before events of 11 Sept. 2001, the project and its results are increasingly relevant since that time. This is because consumer expectations regarding the nation's food supply now include a new security consciousness addressed in this project.

scholarly journals Primo Bartolini and the “Eye-talians” of Nashville: Becoming American in the Athens of the South

2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-36
Author(s):  
Matteo Brera
Keyword(s):  
English Language ◽  
The United States ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The South ◽  
The Public ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Italian American ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

This essay describes how the Italians who settled in Nashville between the end of the nineteenth century and before the outburst of the First World War favoured first and foremost their occupational mobility thus prioritizing their integration in the economic fabric of a thriving city. Initially, they kept their cultural heritage alive but aimed to gain solid knowledge of the English language and American customs in order to apply for American citizenship as soon as possible, thus avoiding the severe discrimination endured by other Italian communities in southern states. Among the Italians of Nashville, Primo Bartolini stands out as a unique example of successful cultural and social hybridization and of the making of Italian American identity in Nashville and the South. Bartolini moved to Music City in 1908, after a short experience as a teacher in Indiana, and he was the first non-native of Tennessee to be drafted in 1917 to serve for his adoptive country during the First World War. A poet and a scholar, he wrote more than 300 poems on nostalgia, love, and patriotism. In these unpublished works, Bartolini shows how his identity progressively became Americanized: his writing style changed over time while still maintaining certain prosodic elements proper to his Italian culture and education. Bartolini’s experience, along with those of his compatriot who found their new home in Nashville, also confirms the integrating effect that the Great War had on Italians. Indeed, in the United States, a blend of old loyalties and the strong desire for acceptance and recognition drew the entire community into the public life of their adopted cities.

scholarly journals South Carolina: Party Development in the Palmetto State

2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Robert P. Steed ◽  
Laurence W. Moreland
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Southern States ◽  
The Past ◽  
Party Development ◽  
Party Activists ◽  
Partisan Realignment ◽  
Local Party

Paralleling developments in other southern states over the past three to four decades, South Carolina’s political system has undergone dramatic change. One of the more significant components of this change has been the partisan realignment from a one-party system dominated by the Democrats to a competitive two-party system in which Republicans have come to hold the upper hand. This increased electoral competitiveness has been accompanied by an increased organizational effort by both parties in the state. An examination of local party activists in 2001 points to a continuation of this pattern over the past ten years. In comparison with data from the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Survey, the 2001 data show the following: (1) the Republican Party has sustained its electoral and organizational gains of recent years; (2) the parties continue to attract activists who differ across party lines on a number of important demographic and socioeconomic variables; (3) there has been a continued sorting of political orientations and cues marked by sharply different inter-party ideological and issue positions; (4) the Democratic Party has become more ideologically homogeneous and more in line with the national party than previously; and (5) since 1991 perceptions of factionalism have declined in both parties, but still remain higher among Democrats than among Republicans.

scholarly journals Southern Politics After the Election of Presidential Clinton: Continued Transformation Toward the Republican Party?

1993 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 197-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Hadley
Keyword(s):  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
The South ◽  
Southern Politics ◽  
Southern State ◽  
White House ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Southern States ◽  
Democratic Vote

To whom does the South belong politically, now that an all-southern ticket has reclaimed the White House for the Democratic party? Review of 1992 voting returns for national, statewide, and legislative races in the South, contrasted with those from earlier presidential years, lead to only one conclusion: the South continues to move toward the Republican party. The Clinton-Gore ticket ran behind its percentage of the national vote in most southern states, as well as behind all Democratic candidates in statewide races, and would have won without any southern electoral votes; whereas Bush-Quayle ran ahead of their percentage of the national vote in every southern state except Clinton’s Arkansas, while Republicans gained seats in southern legislatures and congressional delegations. It is suggested that southern electoral college votes won by Democratic presidential candidates in 1976 and 1992 hinged upon Democratic vote-getters in races for statewide offices in each state carried except the presidential candidates’ home states.

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