Right-Wing Religion: Christian Conservatism as a Political Movement

1982 ◽  
Vol 97 (3) ◽  
pp. 403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lienesch
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Christian Conservatism

Main Forms of Propagandistic Activities of the Right-Wing Parties (1904–1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.

scholarly journals STATE AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM: ANALYSIS ON THE KEMENKO POLHUKAM RI PERSUASION APPROACH IN RESPONDING THE WAVE OF “212” MOVEMENT

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-34
Author(s):  
Dinda Rizkimawati ◽  
Indra Kusumawardhana
Keyword(s):  
Capital City ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Domestic Security ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Masses

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama’s blasphemy case reaped various reactions and criticisms. In the “Action of Defending Islam 212”, where Muslims in Indonesia expressed their anger, the masses demanded that religious blasphemers be brought to justice. It caused a series of demonstrations in Indonesia and instability in their domestic security, especially Jakarta as the capital city. This movement was widely known as the wave of right-wing populism in Indonesia. To respond to an extreme right-wing political movement in Indonesian society, the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal, and Security made efforts to persuade the community after the movement. This effort was significant in managing the widening of the narrative and reminding those who used the approach anchor base or key people and communities to help spread the message.

scholarly journals INEQUALITY AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lali Kapanadze ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Natural Phenomenon ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Remote Past ◽  
People Today

According to Cambridge dictionary, in 2017 the most popular word was Populism. What is Populism? – Is it achievement of our era, or its roots comes from our remote past? According to scientific research, populism existed in ancient Roman period as an ideological political movement known as the Populist Party. It expressed the interests of ordinary people. Today populism is a natural phenomenon of Democratic political regimes. Populist perception is a special democratic component of political culture, that is realized by the population who are involved in political movements. The amplitude of its usage is so diverse that it’s difficult to find an exact scientific definition. Today populism is a main political phenomenon and is mainly used during pre-election periods, political debates and with the purpose of convincing or manipulating consciousness of society. In addition, political leaders often use aggressive national-populist rhetoric.

Homeschooling in the USA

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Gaither
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Left Feminism ◽  
Political Radicalism ◽  
Conservative Protestants

This article first examines why the homeschooling movement in the USA emerged in the 1970s, noting the impact of political radicalism both right and left, feminism, suburbanization, and public school bureaucratization and secularization. It then describes how the movement, constituted of left- and right-wing elements, collaborated in the early 1980s to contest hostile legal climates in many states but was taken over by conservative Protestants by the late 1980s because of their superior organization and numerical dominance. Despite internal conflicts, the movement’s goals of legalizing and popularizing homeschooling were realized by the mid-1990s. Since that time homeschooling has grown in popularity and is increasingly being utilized by more mainstream elements of society, often in conjunction with public schools, suggesting that ‘homeschooling’ as a political movement and ideology may have run its course.

Le Crédit social dans la province du Québec: sommaire et développements

1973 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael B. Stein
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Social Credit ◽  
The Social ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Consolidation Phase ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Parti Quebecois

The article first presents the broad outlines of a recent work of the author. It shows that Social Credit was a movement long before it became a political party, a fact which offers the opportunity to present a brief history of the Social Credit phenomenon in Quebec. This political movement is defined as a protest movement, and its ideology is that of the right in the sense that it makes its appeal particularly to conservatism, with a view to preserving a social and economic order threatened with disappearance. One can distinguish three phases in the evolution of the movement: a mobilization phase, a consolidation phase and a phase of institutionalization. For each of these phases there is a corresponding type of leader. Moreover factionalism acts as the catalyst of change of the movement from one phase to another. The last part of the article presents and discusses the recent developments of Social Credit in Canada and in Quebec. Two different choices appear to be available to the party: to radicalize its appeal as a movement of right-wing protest, or to modernize its ideology in such a way as to become a moderate party of the centre right. Finally the Creditiste phenomenon is examined as a particular species of a broader genus which would include the Parti Québécois as well. One could therefore apply to the latter the same type of analysis that was applied to the Creditiste phenomenon.

scholarly journals The precarity of critique: Cultures of mistrust and the refusal of justification

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Witte
Keyword(s):  
Modern Society ◽  
Second Step ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Bruno Latour ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Cultural Foundations ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Right Wing Populism

The paper reflects on recent developments towards authoritarianism and right-wing populism that have become apparent in a number of Western societies and aims at pinpointing possible cultural foundations for this trend. Using the example of the German PEGIDA movement and the wider milieu in which it is embedded, it identifies and describes a rapidly spreading culture of mistrust and discusses some of its political and epistemological implications. In a second step, the paper draws on Luc Boltanski?s theory of justification in order to attain a better understanding of this political movement?s specificities. It is argued that it is a quasi-violent refusal of justification which is constitutive for the movement in question, thereby transcending the reach of Boltanski?s framework to some extent. In a third step, a closer look is taken at the epistemological paradox that results from the fact that a number of the PEGIDA movement?s crucial points of criticism are effectively shared by a larger part of the overall population, raising severe problems for the question of sociological critique. The paper utilizes ideas by Bruno Latour in order to illuminate this paradox further and examine its consequences. It closes with remarks on the possibility to ?reassemble? trust and critique as crucial but contested - and, hence, precarious - foundations of modern society.

scholarly journals Discourse of the Securitization of Migration in France: from Republican Integration to Alarmism

2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (7) ◽  
pp. 125-134
Author(s):  
Jaroslavna Saraykina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
National Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Clear Tendency ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Modern migration discourse contributes to the securitization of migration in France: it is transferred to the security field, endowed with threat connotations, and thus is becoming the direct cause of the security deficit. The agents of securitization (representatives of the country’s supreme power or right-wing political movements, or writers and essayists who recognize themselves as independent from any political party’s influence and who, however, still share the anti-immigration mood of the right-wing political movement. They use elements of the discourse of fear to achieve their own political goals; they present immigrants as a mortal threat not only to the national identity of the state and the integrity of its society, but also to its public and national security. In the discourse of these agents, there is a clear tendency to create an image of a France “abandoned” by the government and “besieged” by immigrants, a France as a subject to “colonization” by Islam that is incompatible with the secular principle the country that supports republican ideals. Analysis of the migration discourse of securitization agents reveals bold metaphors and emotionally charged expressions that generate a sense of fear in society and give rise to misconceptions about the scale of immigration and the size of the Muslim population in the country.

Let Death Seize Upon Them: Populism in Political Prayers of Imprecation

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 492-516
Author(s):  
Cynthia Burack
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Christian Conservatism ◽  
Right Wing Populism

AbstractIn the United States, religious elites routinely use prayer to set and communicate political agendas, shape the opinions of Christian publics, and mobilize political activism. Among political prayers distributed to believers, imprecation is rare. In this paper, I examine a set of cases of imprecatory political prayers publicized since the turn of millennium that have undeniable U.S. political subtexts and objects. Using the work of James Scott and Jan-Werner Müller, I argue that most political prayers of imprecation can fruitfully be read as manifestations of right-wing populism. These prayers reveal a hidden transcript of rage aimed not only at mainstream political arrangements and political elites but also at the comparatively polite discourse characteristic of mainstream U.S. Christian traditions, including much Christian conservatism.

Ideas and Leaders in Contentious Politics: One Parish Priest in El Salvador's Popular Movement

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Parish Priest ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
Resource Mobilisation ◽  
The Church

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.

Stepping in the Shoes of Leaders of Populist Right-Wing Parties

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolanda Jetten ◽  
Rachel Ryan ◽  
Frank Mols
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Growth Condition ◽  
Baseline Condition ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Economic Context

Abstract. What narrative is deemed most compelling to justify anti-immigrant sentiments when a country’s economy is not a cause for concern? We predicted that flourishing economies constrain the viability of realistic threat arguments. We found support for this prediction in an experiment in which participants were asked to take on the role of speechwriter for a leader with an anti-immigrant message (N = 75). As predicted, a greater percentage of realistic threat arguments and fewer symbolic threat arguments were generated in a condition in which the economy was expected to decline than when it was expected to grow or a baseline condition. Perhaps more interesting, in the economic growth condition, the percentage realistic entitlements and symbolic threat arguments generated were higher than when the economy was declining. We conclude that threat narratives to provide a legitimizing discourse for anti-immigrant sentiments are tailored to the economic context.

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