Homeschooling in the USA

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Gaither
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Left Feminism ◽  
Political Radicalism ◽  
Conservative Protestants

This article first examines why the homeschooling movement in the USA emerged in the 1970s, noting the impact of political radicalism both right and left, feminism, suburbanization, and public school bureaucratization and secularization. It then describes how the movement, constituted of left- and right-wing elements, collaborated in the early 1980s to contest hostile legal climates in many states but was taken over by conservative Protestants by the late 1980s because of their superior organization and numerical dominance. Despite internal conflicts, the movement’s goals of legalizing and popularizing homeschooling were realized by the mid-1990s. Since that time homeschooling has grown in popularity and is increasingly being utilized by more mainstream elements of society, often in conjunction with public schools, suggesting that ‘homeschooling’ as a political movement and ideology may have run its course.

Housing Prices and Government Approval: The Impact of Housing Booms on Left- and Right-Wing Governments in 16 Advanced Industrialized Countries

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-185
Author(s):  
Sung Min Han ◽  
Mi Jeong Shin
Keyword(s):  
Housing Prices ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Approval Ratings ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

AbstractIn this article, we argue that rising housing prices increase voter approval of incumbent governments because such a rise increases personal wealth, which leads to greater voter satisfaction. This effect is strongest under right-wing governments because those who benefit from rising prices—homeowners—are more likely to be right-leaning. Non-homeowners, who are more likely to vote for left-leaning parties, will view rising housing prices as a disadvantage and therefore feel the government does not serve them well, which will mitigate the advantage to left-wing governments. We find support for our arguments using both macro-level data (housing prices and government approval ratings in 16 industrialized countries between 1960 and 2017) and micro-level data (housing prices and individuals’ vote choices in the United Kingdom using the British Household Panel Survey). The findings imply that housing booms benefit incumbent governments generally and right-wing ones in particular.

scholarly journals The populist politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis: Comparative conclusions

Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 378-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea LP Pirro ◽  
Paul Taggart ◽  
Stijn van Kessel
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Great Recession ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Data ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Face ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Cross National

This article offers comparative findings of the nature of populist Euroscepticism in political parties in contemporary Europe in the face of the Great Recession, migrant crisis, and Brexit. Drawing on case studies included in the Special Issue on France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom, the article presents summary cross-national data on the positions of parties, the relative importance of the crisis, the framing of Euroscepticism, and the impact of Euroscepticism in different country cases. We use this data to conclude that there are important differences between left- and right-wing variants of populist Euroscepticism, and that although there is diversity across the cases, there is an overall picture of resilience against populist Euroscepticism.

scholarly journals Ideological Inconsistencies on the Left and Right as a Product of Coherence of Preferences for Values. The Case of Poland

2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piotr Radkiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Survey Study ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
General Hypothesis ◽  
Openness To Change ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Ideological Dimension ◽  
Self Transcendence

Abstract The terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ cannot describe two extremes of a single ideological dimension. Instead, a bi-dimensional model including socio-cultural and socio-economic facets of leftism/rightism is postulated. Several studies conducted in the USA and Western Europe show a relative coherence of left-wing and right-wing orientation regarding both dimensions, whereas very diverse patterns can be found in the countries of Eastern Europe. In Poland cultural and economic leftism-rightism seem to be clearly negatively related. The general hypothesis in this paper claims that such ideological inconsistency is a product of coherence at the level of preferences for values, i.e. covariance within individualistic (Openness to change and Self-enhancement) as well as within collectivist values (Conservation and Self-transcendence). Based on a survey study (N = 750) conducted on a representative sample of Poles, it was shown that preferences for values made up two distinct dimensions: Openness to change vs Conservation, and Self-enhancement vs Self-transcendence. They are positively related but have fundamentally different relationships with political self-identification and ideology.

scholarly journals Populism and Environmental Performance

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Tobias Böhmelt
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Performance ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Combine Data ◽  
Executive Leaders ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Level Performance

Abstract This article examines the impact of populism on environmental politics, focusing on countries’ outcome-level performance. I develop the argument that populist leadership likely undermines environmental quality. First, populist leaders tend to reject and refrain from implementing “green” policies, as these are usually promoted by “corrupt elites.” Second, populism erodes democratic institutions, thus offsetting a series of mechanisms that are related to better environmental outcomes. Empirically, I combine data from the Global Populism Database covering sixty-six countries and more than two hundred executive leaders with information on environmental performance at the outcome level. The findings suggest that populist leadership is strongly linked to lower environmental performance—also when controlling for a series of alternative influences and distinguishing between left- and right-wing populism. This research greatly adds to our understanding of the determinants of environmental policies, the role of regime type and ideology, and the literature on populism.

Bomb or build? How party ideologies affect the balance of foreign aid and defence spending

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg Wenzelburger ◽  
Florian Böller
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
International Posture ◽  
Military Expenditures ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Security Affairs

This article contributes to a growing literature that questions the traditional ‘politics stops at the water’s edge’ paradigm. Left- and right-wing parties hold diverging ideologies and articulate specific party programmes regarding policy priorities in the realm of foreign and security affairs. The impact of partisan contestations over foreign policy priorities can be traced in defence and foreign aid spending. We understand this ‘bomb-or-build’-balance as two sides of a coin which shapes the international posture of democracies. Our quantitative analysis of 21 OECD countries (1988–2014) reveals that the ideological positions of the parties in government influence the relative importance of military expenditures versus foreign aid. The more the ideological position of a government is tilted towards the military (and against internationalism), the more the ‘bomb-or-build’-balance shifts in favour of military spending (and in disfavour of foreign aid).

scholarly journals „Chcecie totalnej wolności słowa?” Kultura w Niemczech u progu lat dwudziestych (XXI wieku) wobec radykalizmu, wielokulturowości i konfliktów etnicznych. Próba rozpoznania problemów

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 53-67
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Okoński
Keyword(s):  
Political Correctness ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Radicalism ◽  
Günter Grass

This article attempts to present selected phenomena of contemporary German culture in the context of political radicalism, multiculturalism and ethnic conflicts. Starting with the criticism of the student protests of 1968 (using the example of the novel Örtlich betäubt by Günter Grass) and discourses on Europe in the early 1990s (Grass, Enzensberger), and ending with debates on freedom of expression, political correctness or “cancel culture” (Wallraff, Pirinçci, Nuhr, Eckhart), this article analyses the consequences of left- and right-wing radicalism, anti-Semitism and Islamism for literature and cabaret in Germany on selected examples.

Industrial Districts – methodische und konzeptionelle Überlegungen zur Industriegeschichte Süd- und Westeuropas

2011 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Boldorf
Keyword(s):  
Economic History ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
Industrial Districts ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
German Speaking ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Share Information

AbstractThis article explores the concept of industrial districts and outlines how they can be applied to economic history. The methodological debate centres around Italy, Spain, France, French-speaking Switzerland and the USA, and focuses on: the impact of institutional arrangements at the beginning of industrial development; co-operation between small and medium-sized firms in joining regional networks; the existence of governance structures in place to help mitigate district-internal conflicts; the institutionalisation of conjoint vocational training; producers’ willingness to share information, thus creating a skills market; and the common marketing of goods through the introduction of regional trade marks. The theoretical framework is contrasted with neighbouring approaches, such as the cluster economies. Finally, reasons behind the concept’s poor reception in German-speaking research are discussed.

Main Forms of Propagandistic Activities of the Right-Wing Parties (1904–1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.

A Left History of Liquorice: What It Means to Write "Left" History

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan D. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Historical Study ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Special Edition ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Impact

This article is part of a special Left History series reflecting upon changing currents and boundaries in the practice of left history, and outlining the challenges historians of the left must face in the current tumultuous political climate. This series extends a conversation first convened in a 2006 special edition of Left History (11.1), which asked the question, “what is left history?” In the updated series, contributors were asked a slightly modified question, “what does it mean to write ‘left’ history?” The article charts the impact of major political developments on the field of left history in the last decade, contending that a rising neoliberal and right-wing climate has constructed an environment inhospitable to the discipline’s survival. To remain relevant, Palmer calls for historians of the left to develop a more “open-ended and inclusive” understanding of the left and to push the boundaries of inclusion for a meaningful historical study of the left. To illustrate, Palmer provides a brief materialist history of liquorice to demonstrate the mutability of left history as a historical approach, rather than a set of traditional political concerns.

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