A Royal Child Learns to Like Plays: The Early Years of Louis XIII

1956 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
W. L. Wiley

During a period of something like fifty years, roughly from 1580 to 1630, there developed in France a complete change of attitude toward the theatre as a professional and social institution. This shift in concept was responsible for the growth in the city of Paris of successful dramatic companies who derived their total livelihood from the theatre. It is true that toward the end of the sixteenth century and in the early years of the seventeenth century, as has been pointed out by Trautman, Faber, Rigal, Fransen, Madame Deierkauf-Holsboer, and others, there existed struggling companies of professional actors who gave plays in French in the provinces as well as in Belgium, Holland, and across the German frontier. Such a group was in Strasbourg in 1593, and later went to the Hôtel de Bourgogne in Paris.

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
TERTTU NEVALAINEN

Place is an integral part of social network analysis, which reconstructs network structures and documents the network members’ linguistic practices in a community. Historical network analysis presents particular challenges in both respects. This article first discusses the kinds of data, official documents, personal letters and diaries that historians have used in reconstructing social networks and communities. These analyses could be enriched by including linguistic data and, vice versa, historical sociolinguistic findings may often be interpreted in terms of social networks.Focusing on Early Modern London, I present two case studies, the first one investigating a sixteenth-century merchant family exchange network and the second discussing the seventeenth-century naval administrator Samuel Pepys, whose role as a community broker between the City and Westminster is assessed in linguistic terms. My results show how identifying the leaders and laggers of linguistic change can add to our understanding of the varied ways in which linguistic innovations spread to and from Tudor and Stuart London both within and across social networks.


Author(s):  
Gustavo Valencia Jiménez ◽  
Adriana Hernández Sánchez ◽  
Christian Enrique De La Torre Sánchez

The city of Puebla was put on the UNESCO list of Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 1987; its history dates back to the sixteenth century allowing for the preservation of various important buildings, such as churches with baroque and neoclassical facades, buildings from the period known as Novo Hispanics, when some of its historic neighbourhoods were founded, including the Barrio el Refugio, hereinafter referred to as BR, where indigenous people employed in the lime manufacture used to live. Since those times, however, the neighbourhood has become a place with bad reputation, “a den of thieves” (Leicht). The traditional, religious commemoration, the “Fiesta Patronal de la Virgen del Refugio,” is the most important celebration in the neighbourhood. In the Church of La Virgen del Refugio, built in the seventeenth century after an inhabitant painted a mural with the image of the virgin, the “mañanitas” are sung with the Mariachi. During the patronal feast, the “El Refugio Cultural Festival” is held with more than a hundred artists taking part and creating about a thousand murals according to the organiser’s estimation. This happens in the city where a project “Puebla Ciudad Mural” was started, as an initiative of the “Colectivo Tomate,” which sought to regenerate the neighbourhood through art, in alliance with the government and private companies. However, these policies are more tourist oriented rather than benefit the neighbourhood. For this reason, the graffiti movement “Festival Cultural el Refugio” is becoming a meeting point for urban artists from Mexico and Puebla, accustomed to taking up public or private space, as they demand space where they can live and express themselves. For ten years the festival has realised more than one thousand pieces of urban art, including Wild Style graffiti, bombs, stickers, stencil, and murals. All this is done under the patronage of the artists themselves, as three hundred of them come from all over the country to take part in every edition of the festival that does not receive any government support or other form of sponsorship.


The Perraults ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Oded Rabinovitch

The second chapter analyzes the Perrault family strategy up to about 1660. Initially, the Perraults had no connections to literary life, and they were involved in legal professions. However, the status of lawyers was declining in the last years of the sixteenth century and early years of the seventeenth century, and the careers of the couple’s sons represented attempts to diversify the family’s educational and professional investments. Most significantly, Pierre II developed a career in the monarchy’s financial administration, built on the venality of office. Responding to the monarchy’s thirst for cash, financiers like Pierre played a high-stake game: while they could go bankrupt, they also stood to make immense profits from loans to the monarchy and from tax collecting. Thus this chapter demonstrates the importance of “court capitalism” and office-holding to the first literary endeavors of the family.


2015 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 305-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Tittler

Some time in the early years of the seventeenth century, the city fathers of Gloucester evidently commissioned twelve paintings of past benefactors to that city. The paintings survive in the Gloucester Folk Museum and were exhibited in the spring of 2014 to mark the approximate date of their four-hundredth anniversary. Given the absence of critically important sources that would have given precise information on their commissioning, their origin and history have remained somewhat obscure. This paper nevertheless strives to understand why, and by whom, they may have been painted, and why they remain significant today, both to the City of Gloucester and to the history of English portraiture. It argues that they were commissioned to bolster a sense of community identity and to encourage further benefaction at a time of local hardship and stress. It comments on them as examples of the regional English vernacular style in portraiture of the day, reflects on their current condition and very tentatively suggests who might have painted them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-97
Author(s):  
GUIDO OLIVIERI

ABSTRACTThe analysis of a forgotten source sheds light on the early history of the cello in seventeenth-century Naples. The manuscript MS 2-D-13, held in the library of the Montecassino Abbey, dates from around 1699 and contains two unknown cello sonatas by Giovanni Bononcini, together with passacaglias, sonatas for two ‘violas’ and elaborations over antiphons by Gaetano Francone and Rocco Greco, two prominent string performers and teachers in Naples. A study of this remarkable source helps to clarify the nomenclature of the bass violins in use in the city and offers new evidence on the practice of continuo realization at the cello, as well as on the connections with partimento practice. This collection is thus of critical importance for a discussion of the technical achievements and developments of the cello repertory in Naples before the emergence of the celebrated generation of Neapolitan cello virtuosi in the early years of the eighteenth century.


Richard Waller was born about the middle of the seventeenth century, but the year is not known, nor is there any information about his early years. His education must have been good as he possessed a wide knowledge of the sciences besides being a capable linguist and a fair artist; he was also a keen man of business. It is likely that he was a business man in the city of London, as he had an address in Broad Street. His country estate was at Northaw in Hertfordshire and he also owned a farm at ‘Mynty, Co. Gloucester.’


1984 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 71-89
Author(s):  
Judith A. Hook

IN the fifteenth and particularly in the sixteenth century one obvious casualty of historical development was the corporate state, embodied in the city states and communes of medieval Italy. Whether conquered by powerful foreign powers, or succumbing to the attractions of a locally-based signore, with the notable, and frequently-lauded, exception of Venice, whose proudest boast remained that her affairs were governed with laws, all the Italian communes had collapsed by the beginning of the seventeenth century and the norm of political organisation had become the highly centralised, absolutist monarchy, typified by the Church State, the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, and the Duchy of Savoy.


Author(s):  
Mogens Lærke

This chapter is mostly dedicated to the historical circumstances and the intellectual context of Spinoza’s conception of the freedom of philosophizing. In the Dutch universities during the middle decades of the seventeenth century, the expression “freedom of philosophizing” was inseparable from disputes between Cartesian philosophers and Calvinist theologians about academic freedom and the separation of philosophy from theology. Spinoza, however, widened the scope of the expression and brought it into contact with another broad controversy regarding freedom of religious conscience going back to the early years of the Dutch Republic in the later sixteenth century and the controversy between Lipsius and Coornhert. The chapter argues that it was Spinoza who first managed to bring these two conceptions of academic freedom and freedom of religious conscience together under a single, systematic conception of libertas philosophandi.


1986 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Robin

The popularly held belief that in Victorian times a rigid code of sexual behaviour was in operation throughout the country, and that transgression of the code resulted in loss of respectability, has been under attack for some time now. One of the weapons used in the assault has been the extent of prenuptial pregnancy during the period compared with earlier centuries. In the first of his two papers on prenuptial pregnancy in England, published in 1966, P. E. H. Hair demonstrated that the phenomenon was of long duration. Roughly one-third of his sample of 1,855 brides traced to a maternity between the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries had been pregnant at marriage, and he considered that this was an under-estimate of the true proportion. Data from a number of reconstitution studies published in a recent work edited by Laslett, Oosterveen and Smith show that prenuptial pregnancies, measured in 50-year periods from 1550–1849, peaked in the second half of the sixteenth century at 31 per cent of all marriages traced to the birth of a child, only to decline over the next hundred years through the heyday of Puritanism and beyond to their nadir of 16 per cent by the end of the seventeenth century. From the early eighteenth century onwards, however, the proportion of such pregnancies increased, at first slowly and then gathering pace until by 1800 the previous peak at the end of the sixteenth century had been passed, the proportion of prenuptial pregnancies standing at 33 per cent. The rate continued to rise through the early years of the nineteenth century into the Victorian era, reaching 37 per cent for the 50 years ending in 1849.


1990 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan P. Wainwright

English musicians, collectors and patrons are known to have been interested in Italian music from the early years of the sixteenth century. Italian musicians appear in the lists of Henry VIII's musicians, and from then onwards Italian music was frequently imported and copied into English manuscripts. The prestige and circulation of the Italian madrigal and its effect on the English madrigalists in Elizabeth I's reign have been thoroughly examined; but it is perhaps not fully realized that this interest in Italian music continued unabated into the seventeenth century, and that the latest Monteverdian styles were circulating in England while they were still brand-new in Italy. George Jeffreys’ manuscript copies of Italian music offer a unique example of the dissemination of Italian music in England in the first half of the seventeenth century; unique because we know precisely which printed sources Jeffreys used, who they belonged to, and how and when they came to be in the country. The career of George Jeffreys (c. 1610–85) and his relationship with his patron, Sir Christopher Hatton (1605–70), has been fully described in David Pinto's article ‘The Music of the Hattons’ (this journal, above), and I shall therefore avoid any duplication of information.


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