Finance and Mobility

The Perraults ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Oded Rabinovitch

The second chapter analyzes the Perrault family strategy up to about 1660. Initially, the Perraults had no connections to literary life, and they were involved in legal professions. However, the status of lawyers was declining in the last years of the sixteenth century and early years of the seventeenth century, and the careers of the couple’s sons represented attempts to diversify the family’s educational and professional investments. Most significantly, Pierre II developed a career in the monarchy’s financial administration, built on the venality of office. Responding to the monarchy’s thirst for cash, financiers like Pierre played a high-stake game: while they could go bankrupt, they also stood to make immense profits from loans to the monarchy and from tax collecting. Thus this chapter demonstrates the importance of “court capitalism” and office-holding to the first literary endeavors of the family.

2020 ◽  
pp. 31-58
Author(s):  
Tommaso Prizzon

The paper describes the interesting and widespread phenomenon of genealogic portraiture in Florence by analyzing the case of the Guadagni family and its series of portraits. The series was commissioned during the mid-Seventeenth century by senator Tommaso di Francesco and it was intended to decorate the family House behind the Nunziata thanks to the contributions of many artists. Both in terms of quantity and artistic quality, the Guadagni portrait series represents a precious testimony of this specific portraiture genre, which started during the middle of the sixteenth century and reached its climax during the following century. This genre saw its decline in the 1700s, when the aristocratic ancient families lost their importance, and their illustrious ancestors’ portraits became simple relics of a remote past.


1994 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
William M. Spellman

One of the more troublesome issues facing Protestant reformers after the abolition of the Roman Catholic purgatory in the early sixteenth century was the need to explain the status of body and soul in the interim between death and resurrection. Eager to identify the precise destination of the whole person after bodily expiration but before the general judgment, preachers sought to bring comfort to bereaved survivors of the recently departed by formulating an acceptable counterpoise to the centuries-old Roman Catholic geography of the other world. Unlike the authors of learned theological treatises on the nature of the soul and body, eulogists faced the unenviable task of interpreting the experience of death and its sequel to an audience that often lacked the sophistication required for the rigors of sustained exegesis. The task of the eulogist was to attempt to make plain the contours of postmortem existence in a manner designed both to warn and to reassure. In their efforts to define an emotionally satisfying alternative to the Roman Catholic story, however, English Protestants formulated an increasingly wide variety of disparate—and sometimes contradictory—accounts of life after death, each of which was normatively based upon a personal understanding of scripture. By the late seventeenth century, even as English funeral sermons that treated the afterlife began to reflect a broad consensus regarding the separate destinations of body and soul, there remained much confusion over the precise condition of those eternal partners before Christ's promised return. The failure to resolve this dilemma in a satisfactory manner and the inability to arrive at an acceptable consensus on a matter of central concern to believing Christians contributed to the growth of mortalist and annihilationist theories by the close of the century. Conceptual disarray within the orthodox camp, then, provided an opportunity for more innovative thinkers to step forward, persons whose understanding of eschatological time, anchored in their own unique interpretation of the Christian scriptures, negated any need for continued debate about a putative “middle place”.


Author(s):  
Mogens Lærke

This chapter is mostly dedicated to the historical circumstances and the intellectual context of Spinoza’s conception of the freedom of philosophizing. In the Dutch universities during the middle decades of the seventeenth century, the expression “freedom of philosophizing” was inseparable from disputes between Cartesian philosophers and Calvinist theologians about academic freedom and the separation of philosophy from theology. Spinoza, however, widened the scope of the expression and brought it into contact with another broad controversy regarding freedom of religious conscience going back to the early years of the Dutch Republic in the later sixteenth century and the controversy between Lipsius and Coornhert. The chapter argues that it was Spinoza who first managed to bring these two conceptions of academic freedom and freedom of religious conscience together under a single, systematic conception of libertas philosophandi.


1986 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Robin

The popularly held belief that in Victorian times a rigid code of sexual behaviour was in operation throughout the country, and that transgression of the code resulted in loss of respectability, has been under attack for some time now. One of the weapons used in the assault has been the extent of prenuptial pregnancy during the period compared with earlier centuries. In the first of his two papers on prenuptial pregnancy in England, published in 1966, P. E. H. Hair demonstrated that the phenomenon was of long duration. Roughly one-third of his sample of 1,855 brides traced to a maternity between the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries had been pregnant at marriage, and he considered that this was an under-estimate of the true proportion. Data from a number of reconstitution studies published in a recent work edited by Laslett, Oosterveen and Smith show that prenuptial pregnancies, measured in 50-year periods from 1550–1849, peaked in the second half of the sixteenth century at 31 per cent of all marriages traced to the birth of a child, only to decline over the next hundred years through the heyday of Puritanism and beyond to their nadir of 16 per cent by the end of the seventeenth century. From the early eighteenth century onwards, however, the proportion of such pregnancies increased, at first slowly and then gathering pace until by 1800 the previous peak at the end of the sixteenth century had been passed, the proportion of prenuptial pregnancies standing at 33 per cent. The rate continued to rise through the early years of the nineteenth century into the Victorian era, reaching 37 per cent for the 50 years ending in 1849.


1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-64
Author(s):  
Edward Walsh ◽  
Ann Forster

This is not a family history of the Brandlings of Northumberland from their first appearance in history in the sixteenth century, for they were not a staunch Catholic family with a record of determined recusancy. The Brandlings had Catholic leanings in the mid-sixteenth century, and two of the family were recusants. By the early seventeenth century, however, the family appears to have conformed entirely. And then in the second half of the century the main branch and their cousins of Hoppen and Alnwick Whitehouse appear as Catholics, most probably as the result of Catholic marriages in the previous generation. A century later, and the main branch had conformed, and the junior branches had died out. The Brandlings were therefore a “fringe” recusant family, but even so they had a certain impact on the Catholic life of the North, and their history is not without interest for students of recusancy.


1990 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan P. Wainwright

English musicians, collectors and patrons are known to have been interested in Italian music from the early years of the sixteenth century. Italian musicians appear in the lists of Henry VIII's musicians, and from then onwards Italian music was frequently imported and copied into English manuscripts. The prestige and circulation of the Italian madrigal and its effect on the English madrigalists in Elizabeth I's reign have been thoroughly examined; but it is perhaps not fully realized that this interest in Italian music continued unabated into the seventeenth century, and that the latest Monteverdian styles were circulating in England while they were still brand-new in Italy. George Jeffreys’ manuscript copies of Italian music offer a unique example of the dissemination of Italian music in England in the first half of the seventeenth century; unique because we know precisely which printed sources Jeffreys used, who they belonged to, and how and when they came to be in the country. The career of George Jeffreys (c. 1610–85) and his relationship with his patron, Sir Christopher Hatton (1605–70), has been fully described in David Pinto's article ‘The Music of the Hattons’ (this journal, above), and I shall therefore avoid any duplication of information.


1956 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
W. L. Wiley

During a period of something like fifty years, roughly from 1580 to 1630, there developed in France a complete change of attitude toward the theatre as a professional and social institution. This shift in concept was responsible for the growth in the city of Paris of successful dramatic companies who derived their total livelihood from the theatre. It is true that toward the end of the sixteenth century and in the early years of the seventeenth century, as has been pointed out by Trautman, Faber, Rigal, Fransen, Madame Deierkauf-Holsboer, and others, there existed struggling companies of professional actors who gave plays in French in the provinces as well as in Belgium, Holland, and across the German frontier. Such a group was in Strasbourg in 1593, and later went to the Hôtel de Bourgogne in Paris.


1999 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 407-419
Author(s):  
Christine M. Newman

The Bowes of Streatlam, in the bishopric of Durham, were notable on two counts in the later part of the sixteenth century. On the one hand, they were highly regarded for their uncompromising loyalty to the Crown, an attachment which was to bring them disastrously close to the brink of financial ruin under the parsimonious Elizabeth, who repeatedly failed to reimburse and compensate them for activities undertaken in her name. On the other hand, the family was particularly noted in the religiously conservative north for its staunch adherence to the Protestant faith. The seeds of this Protestantism were in evidence from the earliest years of the Reformation, but it was given greater definition and inspiration by the example of Elizabeth Bowes, the ardent adherent and later mother-in-law of the Scottish reformer John Knox. Yet, if Elizabeth was the first, she was certainly not the only uncompromisingly Protestant matron in the Bowes family during this period. Towards the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century the second wife of her grandson Sir William Bowes was to assume Elizabeth’s spiritual mantle, thereby reinforcing still further the family’s attachment to the Reformed faith.


Author(s):  
Niccolo Guicciardini

This article examines the mutual influences between mathematics and the new sciences that emerged in the long seventeenth century, whereby new scientific enterprises fostered the development of new mathematical methods and mathematical developments in turn paved the way for new scientific research. It begins with an overview of the revolutions in mathematics in the long seventeenth century and the status of the mathematical sciences in the Late Renaissance, followed by a discussion on the work of mathematicians in the late sixteenth century including Galileo, René Descartes, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Jacob Bernoulli, Gerhard Mercator, and Edmond Halley. It also describes the work done in the areas of organic geometry and mechanical curves, infinitesimals, and mechanics.


1964 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 305-324

Edward Charles Titchmarsh was born on 1 June 1899, at Newbury; he was the son of Edward Harper and Caroline Titchmarsh, and he had an elder sister, and a younger sister and brother. His father was a Congregationalist minister and an M.A. of London University; his father’s people were tradesmen at Royston, never more than fairly prosperous, and on both sides of the family there was a strict religious tradition. Titchmarsh himself wrote an eminently readable account of his family background for his own family; it begins with the derivation of the name from the place Ticcea’s marsh and contains a record going back to the eighteenth and even seventeenth century, and ending with his own schooldays. It is written with the clarity which was characteristic of his mathematical work, and recounts his school days and the somewhat restricted background of his early years with a critical and often humorous detachment. I have used this and the notes which he made for the Royal Society in what follows, in addition to other material supplied by Mrs Titchmarsh and many mathematical friends, especially A. E. Ingham, J. L. B. Cooper and J. B. McLeod. His father was chosen later as minister of Nether Chapel in Sheffield (partly because he was a non-smoker as well as, of course, a teetotaler), and so Titchmarsh was educated at King Edward VII School, Sheffield, from 1908-1917. He wrote that they had far too much homework, and that in the upper part of the school he went on to the classical side, giving up science, and learned ‘enough Latin to pass Higher Certificate and enough Greek to fail.’ After that he specialized in mathematics, and did some physics, but experiments always baffled him and he maintained that he knew no chemistry.


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