The Political Power of Connoisseurship in Nineteenth-Century Europe: Wilhelm von Bode versus Giovanni Morelli

1996 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaynie Anderson
1977 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Garrard

This paper represents an attempt to analyse certain aspects of the work on ‘community power’ within a historical context. It begins with a critical review of those writers whose work has included a historical dimension, particularly R. A. Dahl. It is argued that generalizations about the location of power in the past need to go beyond the mere analysis of the background of office-holders, and the consequent search for a socioeconomic ‘élite’. Indeed, such generalizations need to be tested quite as rigorously as any that are made about the present. On the basis of research done on Salford, an attempt is made to suggest a framework for the comparative analysis of the political context within which nineteenth-century urban municipal leaders operated, and by which their power was conditioned.


AHSANA MEDIA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Abd. Ghoffar

The tug of war regarding the perception of Islam whether as a series of religious teachings or also at the same time a part of the state system that regulates the political power of the state has actually exposed the surface as a central issue since the end of the nineteenth century and entered the early twentieth century. This perception of Islam is very significant for the development of religious and political discourses which until now are still being discussed. From the discussion of this topic also was born a series of intellectual figures who had filled out the history sheet and carved gold ink through their ideas or concepts about religion and the state that reached the processor of our brain today. Through them we can transfer thoughts so that trans ideas occur. The discussion that is oriented towards Muslim intellectual thinking is very useful for us in order to reformulate our perceptions of religion and politics in order to be more applicable in Islamic and state-of-the-art insight.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Leonam Liziero

This article aims to demonstrate that there were federative relations during the Empire of Brazil, with some reform during the regency period. The methodology used to measure the results focuses on the use of bibliographic sources from the 19th century and from more recent studies on the scope of the article. In addition, the use of documentary sources is present, since legislation of nineteenth-century Brazil is used, in particular, the Additional Act of 1834, which gives name to the present work. Although expressly provided for in the 1824 Political Charter that Brazil would constitute a Unitary State, in practice the increased regional concentration of political power led to a functioning situation such as a decentralized federal State. To this end, it begins with a brief demonstration of the antecedents of the Constitution of 1824. It then proceeds to treat the provision of this Constitution about the political organization to finally discuss the effects caused by the Additional Act of 1834.


2021 ◽  
pp. 299-322
Author(s):  
Jon D. Wisman

Industrialization and urbanization during the nineteenth century brought workers physically together, where they could organize and petition through strikes and revolts for better wages, shorter working hours, limits to child labor, safer working conditions, education for their children, and most importantly, the franchise. Although inequality continued to increase, conditions for workers and their families began improving. Workers gained formal political power within government. Yet although workers acquired the vote and with it the potential for dramatically rewriting the rules of the game (because they held the overwhelming majority of votes), elites’ ideology was effective in convincing them to restrain their political muscle. Nevertheless, elites’ monopoly control over the political sphere had been broken. As a result, they could no longer as readily use violence to put down worker demands. Their retention of disproportionate shares of income, wealth, and privilege would depend more fully upon the persuasiveness of their ideology.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.


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