The Political Elite and the People

1974 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Odell Waldby ◽  
Remigo E. Agpalo
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-134
Author(s):  
Corné Smit

FOR THE KING, BUT IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE How the conservative ‘Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage’ developed its populist traits The Dutch conservatives in the nineteenth century used the concept of volkskoning (the people’s king) to legitimize their defence of royal prerogatives against the increasing power of parliament. This concept emphasized the bond between monarch and people and depicted the political elite as a threat to both. Based on a study of the conservative newspaper Dagblad van Zuidholland en ’s-Gravenhage, this article argues that the idea of the volkskoning was developed into a more populist argument in which the people became the de facto sovereign who had to be protected against the rotten elite in parliament.


1993 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Smyth

ABSTRACTIreland in the 1690s was a protestant state with a majority catholic population. These protestants sometimes described themselves as ‘the king's Irish subjects’ or ‘the people of Ireland’, but rarely as ‘the Irish’, a label which they usually reserved for the catholics. In constitutional and political terms their still evolving sense of identity expressed itself in the assertion of Irish parliamentary sovereignty, most notably in William Molyneux's 1698 pamphlet, The case of Ireland's being bound by acts of parliament in England, stated. In practice, however, the Irish parliament did not enjoy legislative independence, and the political elite was powerless in the face of laws promulgated at Westminster, such as the i6gg woollen act, which were detrimental to its interests. One possible solution to the problem of inferior status lay in legislative union with England or Great Britain. Increasingly in the years before 1707 certain Irish protestant politicians elaborated the economic, constitutional and practical advantages to be gained from a union, but they also based their case upon an appeal to the shared religion and ethnicity of the sovereign's loyal subjects in the two kingdoms. In short the protestants insisted that they were English. This unionist episode thus illustrates the profoundly ambivalent character of protestant identity in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Ireland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 155-178
Author(s):  
Uldis Krēsliņš ◽  

In August 1991, the Republic of Latvia took over the documents of the former Latvian SSR KGB, including the card index of KGB agents. At that time, by postponing the card index publication, the political authorities made the issue of former KGB agents a hostage of their political interests. Discussion on the fate of the card index continued in Latvian public sphere over the next 27 years. The stance of the political elite, which found support in some groups of society, was opposed to the publication of the card index, being concerned about a possible witch-hunt and psychological trauma of the people mentioned in the card index as well as their relatives. However, as a result of public pressure, after lengthy indecision, the card index was made public in December 2018. Unfortunately, the publication of the card index has offered only a formal solution to the issue of the former KGB agents, and the expected results have been achieved from the aspect of neither historical truth nor public reconciliation. Only a small number of people mentioned in the card index have admitted the fact of their cooperation and just a few have expressed public regret. In turn, after 27 years of political elite’s hesitancy, most of the KGB persecution victims accepted the publication of the card index in silence. However, it is clear that denial and silence are not the way to public reconciliation and comprehension of trauma. Those few attempts to make one’s experience public show that in today’s situation people can seek reconciliation only with themselves and within themselves.


Author(s):  
M Syaiful Azhar ◽  
Mufidah Mufidah

The legislative function of the DPRD has not run smoothly, in some areas it is still experiencing various difficulties. Many Local Regulation Draft Initiatives (Raperda) come from the Regional Government as an executive agency. Meanwhile, the institution that enforces the aspirations of the community, the DPRD provides a lot of participation in the determination of the Perda. The purpose of the research is to study the implementation of the legislative function of the DPRD in Bogor City in 2013-2018. This research uses a qualitative method with literature approach. Data sources used in this study consisted of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials, policy considerations of the political elite in this case the Bogor City Council, books, journal of legal. The results of the research are the legislative function carried out by the Bogor City DPRD in accordance with Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government, which wrongly performs the legislative function that can capture the aspirations of the people in Bogor City, by receiving reports or complaints from the people of Bogor City the problem of dissatisfaction of a service. Although in its implementation is still not optimal because there are still obstacles in legislation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-238
Author(s):  
Dafrin Muksin ◽  
Sahrail Robo ◽  
Ahmad Rizali Pawane

This study examines the political motives of the plan to expand the new autonomous region in Papua. This is because the expansion of new autonomous areas is not always purely for the welfare of the people but is very closely related to political interests, namely power, and position. This study used qualitative research methods. The data used in the form of secondary data was obtained through reputable media and documents in journals. Next, the data is sorted to form a systematic framework. To analyze the research data, Nvivo plus 12 was used. From the analysis, it was described, and a conclusion was drawn. The study results indicate that the political motives for the plan to expand the new autonomous region in Papua are very material-intensive, namely the interests of the political elite, both central and local, to obtain rewards, position, and power. There is a narrative in the ideological incentive motive that regional expansion is for the public interest, namely providing services, developing infrastructure, increasing human resources, and alleviating poverty. However, in reality, some of the ongoing divisions in Papua have not yet impacted the Papuan people.


Democracy allows the people to have equal rights in decision-making that can change their lives. Consequently, opposition and coalition exist in this political system. While the opposition aims to correct and evaluate various government decisions, the coalition is the power holder or supporter of the government. Because Indonesia is a country that uphold legal formal consisting of many political parties, a coalition government party must be formed. This is done by gathering other parties until the government can run effectively so that it has the basis of a combination and effective legitimacy. In the second period of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's cabinet, the emergence of political parties that were powerless and did not dare to become the government's opposition became evidence of the need for democratization. The emergence of elitism, centralization, and anti-public, as well as the freezing of political structures and the backwardness of the cultural attitudes of the Indonesian people caused the opposition to stand on the word of democratization. Therefore coalitions and opposition are two important parts in building a democratic governance system in Indonesia. This article underlines that democracy in the political elite tends to produce a pseudo and half-hearted democracy. Therefor, the portrait of democratization is needed as a reinforcement of all elements of civil society and thus is not seen as a "devout movement of the state", but an urgent movement to change the attitude of the state through changes in the political composition within it.


1974 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
R. S. Milne ◽  
Remigio E. Agpalo ◽  
Carl H. Lande

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-116
Author(s):  
S. Fazal Daoud Firdausi

Tourism development in any region is influenced by political culture and processes. It is inherently linked to the policies, agenda, decisions, outcomes and the type of government responsible for shaping policies related to tourism. The paper tries to find out the impact of political culture on tourism development. It also aims to assess the role of political culture in influencing tourist motivation through the data collected from urban tourist centres of the Southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Mixed method, consisting qualitative interpretation as well as descriptive and inferential statistics has been used to draw conclusions. It has come out from the study that the political culture of Tamil Nadu state may be characterized as a mix of subject and participant culture, where latter dominates the former. It can be concluded that the people of the state have always participated in political process through voting and changing the regime from time to time. The study also indicates that most of the people of the state are aware of their political obligations and actively participate in social campaigns and civic life. It can be concluded that the existing political culture in the state has compelled the political elite to think and work for the development of the state, including tourism development.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Jusuf Litualy

Bertold Brecht’s anecdote If Sharks Were Men tells us about the life in the sea between sharks and little fish. Sharks teach the little fish about moral and their obedience to sharks. If they always obey to the sharks, they will have better future. This anecdote describes the political elite as sharks. They are being described as people, who are thirst of authority, but on the other side teach the ordinary people about “moral”. The ordinary people are being described as little fishes, that can be easily influenced and dominated. In this work, Brecht places himself as Mister K, the narrator, who lucidly describes the character of the ruler or political elite and the ordinary people. He makes three important points as a reflection of the life at that time. Firstly, the political elite always use the other people for their personal and group interest without feeling guilty, or in other words, public deception has already become a trend for political elite. Secondly, the ordinary people can be easily influenced to follow what Brecht calls in his work as “moral teaching”. Thirdly, the character of political elite always deceive and ignore the people and the helplessness of the people in dealing with the ruler is seen in this work as a reflection of the loss of ethics as an orientation and of their powerlessness in enjoying their existential freedom.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Partahi Nando Sirait

Technology in the development of the flow of production, consumption and distribution of information becomes vital. The urgency of the role of technology in information masification is also used by mass media, especially electronic mass media such as television. The development of electronic mass media to date, is also increasingly promising for all parties, not apart from the political elite who use or cooperate with the mass media crew in presenting various programs. Not only that, the news program was no less interesting to most political actors in order to generate opinions among the people themselves. As in the presidential election some time ago, the role of mass media and its news program succeeded in changing people's attitudes towards the figure of a presidential candidate. The problems and use of electronic mass media are considered to be enough to attract sympathy from the public, where in the news program on television the public can see and hear directly what is done and spoken by the political elite. And this can also give rise to responses to opinions in the community.


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