A Mykênaean Treasure from Ægina

1893 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 195-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur J. Evans

A remarkable Mykênæan gold-find brought to light some years since in the island of Ægina after finding its way into the London market has secured a permanent resting-place in the British Museum. In the interests of archæological science it must be a matter for rejoicing that our national collection should have received so important an accession in a department of ancient metal-work hitherto almost wholly unrepresented in any museum outside Athens. Opinions may well differ as to the propriety of removing from the soil on which they are found and to which they naturally belong the greater monuments of Classical Antiquity. But in the case of small objects, made themselves for commerce, and free from the same local ties, the considerations, which weigh under other circumstances, lose their validity, while on the other hand the benefits to be derived by students from their partial dispersion are not to be gainsaid. This, it is true, is not the standpoint of the Greek, or, for that matter, of the Turkish Government. But the theory that the present occupants of Greece or the Ottoman possessors of the Eastern Empire are the sole legitimate heirs even of such minor monuments of ancient culture is not likely to commend itself to the outside world.

1912 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. W. Edwards

The compilation of the following key has been a matter of no little difficulty, mainly owing to the close connection of the species in some of the groups, which sometimes makes it almost impossible to assign specific limits. The difficulty has in some cases been increased through the paucity of material, which prevents any adequate conception of the range of variability being obtained. This is particularly the case with some of the species coming from the Mediterranean region, which are very closely allied, and of which, as a rule, the British Museum possesses very few specimens. Names have only been sunk here as synonyms in those cases where there appeared to be no reasonable doubt, either after a comparison of the types, or of the descriptions, when these were sufficiently detailed. Eventually, therefore, it may be found that some forms which are here given specific rank will have to be regarded at most as varieties. Since so many figures of Anopheline wings, etc., have already appeared, it is not deemed necessary to add to their number. Some new records have been included, but on the other hand some old ones, which appeared to be questionable, have been omitted. As with the writer's previous papers, this key is merely intended to supplement the detailed descriptions which will be found in other works.


Traditio ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 1-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Musurillo

Studies in comparative religion have shown the important role played by the practice of ascetical fasting in the history of man's religious development. But many gaps in that history still exist. We may surmise, for example, that primitive man stumbled on the practice of fasting accidentally, as a way to conserve food in time of shortage, or, again, out of revulsion for food in times of sickness, as well as under stress of sorrow or fear. On the other hand, he would find that overeating might interfere with sleep and cause a feeling of heaviness, or that certain foods could cause sickness and nausea. The lacuna between these primitive experiences and the religious-ascetical practice of fasting still remains a subject for investigation, although, from the point of view of Greece and Rome, it has been adequately treated by Arbesmann. The object of the present work is not to cover the practice of ecclesiastical fasting, either from the canonical point of view (as this has been sufficiently treated by Parra Herrera) or in its connection with prophecy and revelation (as this has again been fully discussed by Arbesmann) — but merely to treat the problem of ascetical fasting as we find it in the Greek patristic writers down to the time of John Damascene.


2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanessa Agnew

For Charles Burney, as for other Enlightenment scholars engaged in historicising music, the problem was not only how to reconstruct a history of something as ephemeral as music, but the more intractable one of cultural boundaries. Non-European music could be excluded from a general history on the grounds that it was so much noise and no music. The music of Egypt and classical antiquity, on the other hand, were likely ancestors of European music and clearly had to be accorded a place within the general history. But before that place could be determined, Burney and his contemporaries were faced with a stunning silence. What was Egyptian music? What were its instruments? What its sound? The paper examines the work of scholars like Burney and James Bruce and their efforts to reconstruct past music by traveling to exotic places. Travel and a form of historical reenactment emerge as central not only to eighteenth-century historical method, but central, too, to the reconstruction of past sonic worlds. This essay argues that this method remains available to contemporary scholars as well.


1922 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-35
Author(s):  
J. Six

In the Museum of Alexandria is to be seen a colossal head of fine workmanship which has its face curiously surrounded by rough planes where curly hair would be expected, and where this must have been added originally in coloured plaster (Pl. I. a). It has been taken for a head of Sarapis or Zeus, and I must confess I have accepted the former name unsuspiciously, so great is the similitude in style to the various copies of the Sarapis of Bryaxis, of which the Egpytian museums possess several by far exceeding in artistic merits the more generally known head of the Vatican. On the other hand, it reminded me so much of the famous Blacas Asklepios from Melos in the British Museum (PL I.b) that I did not doubt the likeness went so far as to prove the latter to be another work of Bryaxis.


Iraq ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 89-103
Author(s):  
Eleanor Guralnick

AbstractDuring the Spring of 1991, the Fall of 1993 and the Summer of 1994, a major effort was completed to measure all the surviving untrimmed, monolithic and essentially entirely preserved Late Assyrian sculptured slabs and figures from Khorsabad, dating to the time of Sargon II, that are now held in Western museums. The programme of measurement was undertaken as the Paris slabs were in the process of being installed in their new home in the Richelieu Wing, Musée du Louvre, Paris. The Khorsabad slabs in the British Museum, London, the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, and the Sargon stele in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin were also measured. In addition, a number of slabs in the British Museum from the South-West and North Palaces at Nineveh were measured. Some were carved during the reign of Sennacherib, while others, from Room 23, were decorated in the reign of Assurbanipal.The first stages in the analysis of the measurements have already led to a number of useful observations concerning the standards of measurement used in decorating Late Assyrian Palaces. Measurement of untrimmed slab widths and frieze heights from Nineveh portraying battle scenes suggest that the standard Late Assyrian cubit equalled 51.5 cm in length. Slabs from Khorsabad Façade L are cut to this same cubit. On the other hand, religio-mythological royal emblemata, or guardians of the gates, at the palace of Sargon at Khorsabad were carved in accordance with a cubit of 56.6 cm, precisely three finger-breadths longer than the standard cubit. A slab featuring King Sargon was carved to a cubit 55 cms in length, precisely two finger-breadths longer than the standard. This confirms the existence of three Late Assyrian cubits: a standard cubit, a “Big Cubit” (KÙŠ GAL-ti in the annals of Sennacherib, AS4.LUM GAL-ti in a text of Esarhaddon), and the rare “Cubit of the King” (KÙŠ LUGAL in Late Assyrian cuneiform documents), which is probably the same as the “Royal Cubit” (basileios pēchys), three finger-breadths longer than the standard cubit, mentioned by the Greek historian Herodotus (I, 178).


1940 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin P. Nilsson

It is a fact which is not justly appreciated that the Sun and the Moon had almost no cult in the early and classical age of Greece except for the Sun at Rhodes, a cult which is reasonably suspected to be of foreign origin. Helios and Selene were, of course, considered to be gods, but in mythology. Those scholars who have eagerly tried to find evidence for their cult ought to remember the statements of Aristophanes and Plato that Helios and Selene were barbarous gods. These two certainly knew the cults of their compatriots better than we do. On the other hand, the Sun cult was very popular and wide-spread in Roman times and became finally the last State religion of the Empire. It came from the Orient, and the mediator and the reason of its popularity was astrology. So the question arises: why did the Greeks accept the astrology which they rejected in an earlier age, and why did they begin to pay a cult to Helios to whom they had shown no veneration in earlier times? Did they simply succumb to a foreign religion or were there intrinsic reasons which contributed to this result?


1969 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 95-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodora Hadzisteliou-Price

Statuettes of children crouching on the floor with one knee bent up or both legs folded have been found in many parts of Greece, in sanctuaries, graves, and living quarters. In the course of a study of the cult of the Greek Kourotrophos there arose the problem of their typology and interpretation, as such statuettes are common finds in the sanctuaries of deities concerned with child-care. Before one can come to any speculations about their meaning and use, the type must be examined; its origin, distribution, and variations.The crouching posture is not uncommon in eastern, especially Egyptian art. Child-Horus, crouching on the lotus, appears in Egyptianizing Phoenician ivories from the early first millennium B.C. Faience pendants of a squatting child, datedc. 900 B.C., were excavated in tombs in Lachish. Most interesting for this study is the small faience statuette of a crouching boy from an Egyptian grave, now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Plate 20, 1). It is exactly in the posture that the Greek examples appear in: one knee bent up, the other on the floor; it has its finger on its mouth and bears the side-curl of youth. A real child is represented. This is also the case with three statuettes in the British Museum, one in copper and two in ivory, the latter inscribed with the names and titles of the owners. They too come from graves. All are dated around the beginning of the second millennium B.C. by a statuette of the same type coming from the tomb of the Pharaoh Pepi II. It is interesting to know that this posture and the hand on the mouth, as well as the nudity, are significant of young age in Egypt, since the hieroglyph for youth is a naked figure in this posture.


1913 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 61-69
Author(s):  
M. L. W. Laistner

Few terms in archaeology have become as ambiguous as the term Proto-Corinthian. Used at first not unreasonably of a class of small vases found over a wide area, which bear considerable resemblance to Corinthian pottery, the name has come to be applied to a number of vases which differ very widely from the fabrics originally so called. Furtwaengler first extended this term to two vases found near Thebes, and since then the appropriateness of the term has not been seriously questioned. Nowhere is this extension of the term more unsuitable than at Delphi, where a large quantity of Proto-Corinthian ware in the original sense of the term was found, as well as the Geometric pottery which Perdrizet describes as follows: ‘le géométrique delphien appartient à la catégorie appelée protocorinthienne par M. Furtwaengler: il est douteux qu'on puisse l'attribuer à une fabrique locale.’ The most cursory comparison of the Geometric pottery of Delphi, hitherto classed as Proto-Corinthian, with the Proto-Corinthian originally so called, makes it clear that whatever be the provenance of the Geometric, the same name cannot reasonably be applied to both fabrics. In the real Proto-Corinthian pottery a variety of shapes occurs, all of small size. The most characteristic are the aryballos, the lekythos, the pyxis, and the long-necked, flat-bottomed jug. The Delphic Geometric pottery on the other hand has little variety in its shapes, and, as will be seen below, these differ in size and form from the Proto-Corinthian. Again the distribution of Proto-Corinthian pottery extends over a very wide area; it occurs all over the mainland of Greece, in Italy and Sicily, and even in Asia Minor. The vases on the other hand which, as will appear later, may be brought in line with the Geometric pottery at Delphi, are few in number, and only found within a small area.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-216
Author(s):  
Gregory T. Papanikos

The aim of this paper is to present Greek daily descriptive statistics on confirmed deaths due to COVID-19, the days of lockdown and their effect on the number of deaths, the outcomes of vaccinations and the influence of weather temperatures. Do lockdowns work in bringing the number of deaths down? The descriptive evidence shows that this is the case even though there is a considerable lagged effect. On the other hand, vaccinations, during the time period of examination, do not seem to have diminished the number of deaths, but the reason might be that it takes time for their full effect to occur. Finally, this paper also examines the hypothesis that during the summer months the daily deaths from COVID-19 are relatively lower than during the winter months. Using average daily weather temperatures, this hypothesis cannot be falsified. Simple calculations of the functional relation between weather temperatures and deaths show that temperatures above 28.5 degrees Celsius (°C) were associated with zero deaths. Keywords: COVID-19, deaths, Greece, lockdown, pandemic, vaccinations, weather temperatures


Author(s):  
Elena Efimova

This article is dedicated to the problem of formation of national style in the architecture of French Renaissance. The indicated problem is the topic of intense discussion within the historiography of Renaissance. Leaning the concept of J. Burckhardt, who describes Renaissance as a specifically Italian phenomenon, a number of scholars identity French Renaissance with “Italianism”. On the other hand, there is a contradictory historiographical trend that acclaims national medieval tradition that views the revival of classical antiquity as a foreign and shallow phenomenon. An attempt is made to examine the problem from the perspective Renaissance itself, relying on the reasoning and assessments expressed by the three theoreticians of architecture: Sebastian Serlio, Philibert de l'Orme, and Jacques I Androuet du Cerceau. The conclusion is made that the theoreticians of French Renaissance were not prone to contrapose the shapes borrowed from antiquity to national tradition. They perceived antiquity as the common past of the entire contemporary to them culture. They did not see any preponderance of Italian Renaissance over the national culture. The contradiction between antiquity and Gothicism was interpreted as a contradiction between the ancient and the new, rather than foreign and native. In creation of the style of Renaissance architecture they resorted to synthesizing heritage of the antiquity with national medieval tradition.


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